Author Topic: The War on Drugs  (Read 308835 times)

G M

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Reefer Madness
« Reply #550 on: May 07, 2023, 09:07:27 AM »

ccp

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #551 on: May 07, 2023, 09:37:49 AM »
had one chronic user state he was beginning to notice hallucinations

I think he was in late 20 s or early 30s

had a few hyperemesis syndrome callers as well

seems to be in those who imbibe daily for prolonged period

but think of the revenue it brings in ....
like gambling ....

great for the big spenders in the bureaucracy
 :wink:

next we should tax sex .....



G M

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #552 on: May 07, 2023, 09:46:23 AM »
The THC level in current MJ is off the charts when compared to what the Boomers kind of remember...

had one chronic user state he was beginning to notice hallucinations

I think he was in late 20 s or early 30s

had a few hyperemesis syndrome callers as well

seems to be in those who imbibe daily for prolonged period

but think of the revenue it brings in ....
like gambling ....

great for the big spenders in the bureaucracy
 :wink:

next we should tax sex .....

Crafty_Dog

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #553 on: May 07, 2023, 10:08:41 AM »
" when compared to what the Boomers kind of remember..."

 :-D



DougMacG

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #556 on: October 18, 2023, 05:25:05 AM »
Amazing story BBG (another thread).

In MN, we went from illegal to legal, all past offenses expunged, to SUBSIDIZED, in 3 months.

https://m.startribune.com/cannabis-manufacturing-facility-planned-for-former-timber-mill-in-grand-rapids-400-jobs-67-million/600312888/

I was satisfied with decriminalization.

Body-by-Guinness

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Cartel: Just Say No to Fentanyl … or We’ll Kill You
« Reply #557 on: October 19, 2023, 01:15:11 PM »
I’m not quite sure how to take this. It may very well lower drug mortality in the US, but doesn’t do much to address any underlying incentive, and the cartel will sell something in its place while some other cartel will certainly fill any vacuum created:

https://legalinsurrection.com/2023/10/mexicos-largest-cartel-orders-ban-on-fentanyl-trafficking/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=mexicos-largest-cartel-orders-ban-on-fentanyl-trafficking

Crafty_Dog

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ccp

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #559 on: December 09, 2023, 10:26:04 AM »
I just did a medical review online course on psychedelics

some do have suggestions of value
but the evidence if VERY lacking on their effectiveness and risk
much beyond anectodal reports

I would copy you on them but it is propriety so probably not legal or ethical to do so.

How can one even study the effectiveness

It is hard to do a control placebo group with group that gets drug
since obviously the controls would know they are not getting anything

what doses do we use
some may be effective at microdoses below cognitive effects but help things like depression anxiety etc.

a few studies have used benadryl for the control group but people can tell the difference

then some study participants may be biased due to their expectations

most magic mushrooms

PSILOCYBIN  ("magic mushrooms")

and

MESCALINE (peyote) ( a cactus)

I always thought they were the same  :-o

have variable active ingredients depending:
 For most plants, the time of year that harvesting occurs, as well as the methods used to harvest and process the plant, can also significantly alter chemical composition.

As a result even anectodal reports are unclear since the actual dose would be unknown.

The review was not against there use only that we don't really have a handle on them.

Reported side effects for example:

"The use of nonstandardized psilocybin mushrooms has been associated with multiple cases of toxicity. For example, seizures, myocardial infarction, and acute kidney failure have been reported in some patients [11,87,88].

There is also a growing body of literature on the adverse effects of purified psilocybin. Most clinical research agrees that the most common side effects noted at therapeutic doses are headache, nausea, anxiety, and transient elevations in blood pressure and heart rate."

"the most commonly reported adverse effects with peyote are nausea, vomiting, and diarrhea. These effects typically occur within 30 to 60 minutes of ingestion. It has also been reported to cause mydriasis, sweating, tremor, and elevations in blood pressure and heart rate within one hour after ingestion [95,96].

The hallucinations that occur with peyote have also been associated with anxiety, paranoia, fear, and emotional instability that has the potential to lead to self-inflicted or accidental injury [95,97,98].

Mescaline, the major active constituent of peyote, has been reported to cause respiratory depression when used in large doses (20 mg/kg or more) and, rarely, death. Most symptoms seen with mescaline subside within 24 hours of use

Crafty_Dog

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #560 on: December 09, 2023, 10:29:24 AM »
I am told that in the tropics psilocybin mushrooms can be found in cow turds the morning after it rained at night.

Crafty_Dog

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Crafty_Dog

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WSJ: Psychedelics going mainstream
« Reply #562 on: January 07, 2024, 02:55:41 AM »
HEALTH
PHARMA
HEARD ON THE STREET
Psychedelics Are Going Mainstream. Investing in Them Hasn’t.
Drugs like LSD have shown potential for treating psychiatric disorders. Wall Street and big pharma aren’t convinced.

Startups and big pharmaceutical companies are exploring medical uses of psychedelics like LSD, MDMA and psilocybin, the psychoactive compound in ‘magic mushrooms’ like the ones shown. KEVIN MOHATT FOR THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
By
David Wainer
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Psychedelics spent a half-century in political and medical purgatory. Now they’re starting to go mainstream. Respected academic institutes and billionaires are funding research into their therapeutic benefits, and the Food and Drug Administration could soon approve MDMA (known more commonly as ecstasy) for a treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder.

The therapeutic potential of these drugs looks promising, but Wall Street and big pharma are still not convinced of the financial potential. Intellectual property is one big concern. While new compounds discovered in a lab can often lead to over a decade of exclusive profits for a pharma company, psychedelics like LSD and psilocybin, the psychoactive compound in “magic mushrooms,” have been around for a long time. This makes patenting them more controversial. Companies are patenting formulations of the drugs and even things like the cozy furniture in a treatment room, but questions about patent protection abound.

Then there are the trips, which can take patients on whirlwind journeys through the recesses of their minds, lasting six to eight hours. From a therapeutic perspective, the altered perceptions might be the whole point: The trips have shown the potential to rewire the brain in a process known as neuroplasticity. (There are also companies developing tweaked versions of those drugs that reduce the highs while hoping to still provide therapeutic benefits.) But from a financial perspective, the inconsistency of psychedelic experiences and the fact that they require hands-on psychological therapy make for a difficult investment pitch. Treatment is typically administered in a specialized facility under supervision by psychiatric professionals, which is costlier and harder to scale up than simply providing medicine.

“It’s not the same as going to your pharmacy and picking up a pill bottle,” says Brian Abrahams, an analyst at RBC Capital Markets.

The industry’s market performance reflects such fears, which are magnified at a time when higher rates make riskier stocks harder to own. While many psychedelic companies listed in the stock market with much fanfare in recent years and surged  as the biotech bubble peaked around 2021, the industry has nosedived more recently.  The AdvisorShares Psychedelics ETF is down over 80% since its 2021 inception. Shares in Atai Life Sciences, a prominent startup backed by billionaire Peter Thiel, are down over 90% since going public at a $3 billion valuation.

True, the entire biotech industry has been negatively affected by higher rates. But there is still plenty of investor appetite for high-quality biotech companies, many of which are getting snapped up by big pharma at massive premiums these days. That is especially the case in the psychiatric realm, where available treatments are far from ideal and many patients are stuck with no helpful options. Yet save for Otsuka Pharmaceutical’s $59 million acquisition last year of Mindset Pharma, the industry has steered clear of psychedelics.

While big pharma dollars may not be pouring in yet, the industry has still been able to raise money in recent months through a flurry of financing including a $100 million stock sale by the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies, a nonprofit leader.

MAPS Public Benefit Corp., which has raised money from billionaires like New York Mets owner Steven Cohen, last month filed an application with the FDA for approval of MDMA in combination with talk therapy to reduce the symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. The fact that the first possible approval for MDMA could go to a nonprofit underscores how it’s been idealism, and not just profits, pushing the industry forward.

The questions swirling around the economics of psychedelics don’t mean there won’t be money to be made, or that this isn’t a therapeutic area worth investigating. Many of the biggest proponents of such drugs, in fact, are very worried about corporations profiting from the “gifts of nature.” Serious researchers are also concerned about potential blowback if things move too quickly. “Many people forget that there were years of glowing reviews in the 1950s and 1960s before the press turned alarmist and a government clampdown prevented research progress for decades,”  David Yaden, a professor in psychedelic research at Johns Hopkins University, wrote with two other colleagues.

For businesses that can navigate the FDA hurdles, medical reimbursement coding and intellectual-property fights, there could yet be a significant market. The path is being paved by big pharma. Johnson & Johnson’s Spravato, a chemically related version of ketamine that was approved by the FDA in 2019 for treatment-resistant depression, is carving out a new business model. Sales of Spravato, which must be administered in a treatment center, are expected to climb to about $1 billion this year, according to analysts polled by Visible Alpha. (Matthew Perry’s recent death from acute effects of ketamine sparked controversy around the anesthetic, though the concentration in his system suggested that he had taken it at home without supervision.)


Compass Pathways is seeking to be the first to receive FDA approval for a synthetic formulation of psilocybin. PHOTO: KEVIN MOHATT FOR THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
Ketamine can produce out-of-body, hallucinogenic sensations, but it is nothing like magic mushrooms or LSD. For one, side effects tend to peak at 40 minutes, versus hours for other psychedelics. Yet its growing use sets a precedent, says Thomas Shrader, an analyst at BTIG. If the number of sites administering Spravato continue to grow, they will help expand the new world of “interventional psychiatry,” he said.

Compass Pathways has the largest market capitalization among psychedelic companies and is seeking to be the first to receive FDA approval for a synthetic formulation of psilocybin, the psychoactive compound in magic mushrooms. The company is currently conducting a late-stage study that is likely to wrap up next year. If successful, it could lead to FDA approval sometime in 2026, according to Chief Executive Kabir Nath, who has held leadership positions at pharma companies like Otsuka and Bristol-Myers Squibb. If Compass’s drug receives FDA approval, Nath sees a similar trajectory to J&J’s Spravato, which is holding up well despite competition from ketamine clinics.

Psychedelics won’t bring world peace and they probably won’t be huge blockbusters either. But in the difficult field of treatment for mental illness, their revival could be a helpful advance for some patients, and some long-patient innovators

Body-by-Guinness

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Causation, Correlation, & Claimed Psychosis
« Reply #563 on: January 29, 2024, 08:41:38 AM »
Posted primarily as I’ve seen sundry “weed causes psychosis” pieces tither and yon of late:

https://www.cato.org/blog/wall-street-journal-columnist-triggers-reefer-madness-flashback

Body-by-Guinness

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WOD Begets "Narcas"
« Reply #564 on: February 06, 2024, 05:45:38 PM »
Review of book about the rise of women in Latin America:

SWJ EL CENTRO BOOK REVIEW – NARCAS: THE SECRET RISE OF WOMEN IN LATIN AMERICA’S CARTELS

Articles
Tue, 02/06/2024 - 4:03pm
SWJ El Centro Book Review – Narcas: The Secret Rise of Women in Latin America’s Cartels

Nathan P. Jones

Narcas
Deborah Bonello, Narcas: The Secret Rise of Women in Latin America’s Cartels. Boston: Beacon Press, 2023 [ISBN-13:‎ 978-0807007044, Hardback; 166 pages]

Deborah Bonello’s Narcas: the Secret Rise of Women in Latin America’s Cartels brings to light the role of women in the drug trafficking industry; an often-overlooked phenomenon. Deborah Bonello masterfully provides a window into the lives of the women who have become major drug traffickers and, more often, minor players (p. 90). Through interviews, archival research, and the meticulous review of court documents, Bonello provides important empirical case studies with journalistic flair, bringing nuance to an understudied issue.

Informants

Bonello makes important points that are valuable broadly to the study of drug trafficking. One point she highlights in the context of one of the women she profiles, is the need to protect informants. In one case one of the women she profiled had both of her sons murdered while she was meeting with Colombian authorities and US DEA. The subject attributed those meetings in which she continued to be incarcerated in Colombia as leading to the murder of her sons (p. 128). Thus, she ultimately did not cooperate so that other family members would not be killed. The lesson that she learned was that any cooperation could result in the death of her family as her lawyer argued on her behalf (p. 131). This is an important issue related to informants impacting both men and women in the organized crime world.

Las Buchonas

The concept of buchonas has in recent years drawn increased attention in the study of Mexican drug trafficking (pp. 107–115). Buchonas are the attractive girlfriends and wives of drug traffickers (or traffickers themselves). This lifestyle which focuses on a very specific aesthetic has drawn significant attention and impacted the lives of women participating in and in the orbit of drug trafficking in Mexico and beyond. Here Bonello elucidates how women can become both victims and victimizers/active participants with their own agency in the world of Mexican drug trafficking.  Bonello brings to this discussion a self-reflective view of the women who participated in these extensive surgeries in pursuit of an aesthetic which increasingly supports a broader narcocultura promoted and diffused by narcas like Emma Coronel, the wife of extradited Chapo Guzmán, former head of the Sinaloa Cartel.

Women and MS-13

Nowhere is the issue of women as victims versus participants more acute than in the case of women and their role in MS-13. Bonello describes the girlfriends of MS-13 members visiting their boyfriends in Central American prisons; the power and agency their relationships entail, but also the victimization those relationships imply from the police, MS-13, and society more broadly. It would be interesting to see these discussions updated as the security crackdown of President Bukele, who was reelected (Feb 2024) plays out. All analysts of the region are carefully watching the security gains accompanied by likely human rights violations. Bonello further discusses the role of women as MS-13 members themselves and the various policy changes the MS13 leadership in Central America has implemented related to the membership of women.

A Powerful Read

Narcas is an excellent look into the role of women in Latin American drug trafficking which includes case studies spanning Guatemala, Colombia, Honduras, El Salvador, Mexico, and the United States. It would be excellent for any course in criminology looking at Latin America, a political science course on drug trafficking or security issues, or various sociology courses at the graduate and undergraduate levels. It is a fast and enjoyable read built upon the research of an intrepid reporter for Vice News; an outlet which has been impressive on Latin American security reporting. Bonello is particularly good at getting access to high level female traffickers and then drawing the general from the specific.

There are few places where I can suggest any improvement to this book. I hoped to read on the role of women like Rosalinda González Valencia, the wife of El Mencho the leader of the Cártel de Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG). She came from the Valencia family, which was important in the Milenio cartel, a precursor to the CJNG. She has been identified by numerous publications such as El País as critical to the money laundering operations of the CJNG and is an example of a woman in drug trafficking meriting further study. This is not a critique of the book, rather an acknowledgement that we can always cover more and that the inherently difficult to study drug world will always leave us waiting for the revelations of case studies such as this.

Conclusion

Deborah Bonello’s fine work on the role of women in Latin American drug trafficking gives us a richer more nuanced view of the role they play. This view demonstrates women may have far more agency and capacity to use nonviolent mechanisms to move to the top of the drug trafficking world than we realize. One of her key points is that women are more able to remain invisible in the face of state action and rival cartels. This is a critical point for anyone studying the sociology of drug trafficking and women’s ability to survive and thrive in an increasingly globalized world where borders are easily penetrated by illicit flows.

Categories: SWJ Book Review - Mexico - drug cartels

https://smallwarsjournal.com/jrnl/art/swj-el-centro-book-review-narcas-secret-rise-women-latin-americas-cartels

Body-by-Guinness

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Oregon Poised to Re-Illegalize Drugs
« Reply #565 on: February 06, 2024, 06:06:52 PM »
Piece argues increase in OD deaths not cause by legalization, but oh well:

Did the Fentanyl Wave Hit Oregon Just as Voters Decriminalized Drugs?

Cato @ Liberty by Jeffrey A. Singer / Feb 6, 2024 at 3:09 PM

Jeffrey A. Singer

Three years after its first‐​in‐​the‐​nation drug decriminalization measure (Measure 110) went into effect, Oregon’s lawmakers are poised to re‐​criminalize possessing and using drugs. Lawmakers note that Oregon’s overdose rate has risen dramatically and exceeded the national average since Measure 110 took effect in 2021.

I have argued here that policymakers were mistaken if they believed decriminalizing drugs would necessarily lead to a drop in overdoses. Decriminalizing is not the same as legalizing. As long as people who use drugs need to go to the black market for them, they can never be sure of the dose or purity of what they are buying or if it is the drug they think they are buying. I also argued that it is inappropriate to judge Measure 110 so soon after the law went into effect. For example, in its first year, the country was amid the COVID-19 pandemic, and public health measures made it even more challenging than usual for Oregonians to access harm reduction and treatment programs.

However, writing in the New York Times this week, addiction and neuroscience journalist Maia Szalavitz contends that, while people may be quick to assume that the rise in overdoses during Measure 110’s implementation suggests cause and effect, it is essential to remember that correlation is not causation. Szalavitz provides crucial information placing Oregon’s overdose problem in proper context.

Szalavitz points to numerous studies showing that illicit fentanyl flooded the drug market in waves, beginning in the eastern US and working its way west. Szalavitz cites work by Brandon del Pozo of Brown University Medical School, showing nearly identical surges in overdose rates in every region of the country as fentanyl began dominating the drug market. Szalavitz cites research showing that almost 90 percent of overdose deaths involving fentanyl and its analogs occurred in 28 states east of the Mississippi River. Additional research published in 2023 showed a similar wave making its way across the country, finally dominating western states, including Oregon, around 2021.

Investigators at Brown University Medical School and the Research Triangle Institute (RTI International) used Centers for Disease Control and Prevention overdose mortality data from 2008–2022 and a synthetic control group consisting of 48 states and the District of Columbia to study the association between overdose fatality rates and Measure 110. They used a changepoint analysis to determine “when each state experienced a rapid escalation in fentanyl.” The researchers concluded:

After adjusting for the rapid escalation in of fentanyl, analysis found no association between M110 and fatal drug overdose rates.

Future evaluations of the health effects of drug policies should account for changes in the composition of unregulated drug markets.

The researchers also found:

Recriminalization in Washington State saw an increase in the fatal overdose rate.

Before lawmakers return to tactics that have proven to be a dismal failure for more than 50 years and risk exacerbating Oregon’s drug overdose problem, they should listen to drug policy researchers who point out that Oregon’s surge in overdose deaths corresponds to the late arrival of fentanyl in the state relative to other parts of the US.

If lawmakers want to know where to place the blame for Oregon’s overdose crisis, the answer should be obvious: prohibition.

Crafty_Dog

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Heatlh Risks with Marijuana
« Reply #566 on: March 21, 2024, 05:34:54 PM »
I wonder if data would be different with edibles. 
===========
Even 1 Joint per Week Enough to Boost Heart Disease Risk: Study
New large-scale research presents some of the most damning evidence yet about marijuana’s impact on cardiovascular health.
Even 1 Joint per Week Enough to Boost Heart Disease Risk: Study
(Vuk Stajic/Shutterstock)
By George Citroner
3/21/2024



Lighting up a joint once or more a week? That puff of marijuana could be seriously hurting your heart.

A new study finds that even relatively infrequent cannabis use is linked to higher risks of having a heart attack or stroke—and the more you smoke, the more danger you’re in.

The large-scale research presents some of the most damning evidence yet about marijuana’s impact on cardiovascular health.
Marijuana Smoking as Risky as Tobacco for Heart Health

Using cannabis is associated with an increased risk of cardiovascular diseases, even among nontobacco smokers, according to a new study published in the Journal of the American Heart Association. Previous research had linked marijuana use to heart disease risk, but those findings were often dismissed because many participants also smoked tobacco, which has long been linked to various cardiovascular issues.

In the new study, researchers analyzed data from over 434,000 patients aged 18 to 74, collected between 2016 and 2020 from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey.

About 75 percent of the study participants said smoking was the most common way they consumed marijuana, but they also reported using edibles and vaping. However, the researchers did not specifically compare the risks of smoking marijuana versus consuming edibles.

25 Percent Higher Heart Attack Risk, 42 Percent Greater Stroke Risk

The study found that compared to those who never used marijuana, daily cannabis smokers had a 25 percent increased likelihood of heart attack and a 42 percent greater risk of experiencing strokes.

Among adults at risk for premature cardiovascular disease (defined as men under 55 and women under 65), cannabis use was significantly associated with nearly 40 percent higher combined odds of coronary heart disease, heart attack, and stroke, regardless of whether they used traditional tobacco products or not.

The researchers conducted a separate analysis of a smaller subgroup of adults who never smoked tobacco or used nicotine e-cigarettes and still found a significant association between cannabis use and an increased combined risk of developing coronary heart disease, including heart attack and stroke.

“Cannabis smoke is not all that different from tobacco smoke, except for the psychoactive drug: THC vs. nicotine,” Abra Jeffers, a data analyst at Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston and lead study author, said in a press statement.

The study shows smoking cannabis has significant cardiovascular risks, just like smoking tobacco, she noted. “This is particularly important because cannabis use is increasing, and conventional tobacco use is decreasing.”

Notably, participants who reported using marijuana only once per week still showed about a 3 percent increased likelihood of having a heart attack or stroke during the study period. However, the study was not designed to establish whether marijuana use directly caused this increase in risk.

Legal Weed Fueling Rise in Cannabis Use Across US, Data Reveal

While marijuana remains illegal at the federal level, 24 states and Washington, D.C., have legalized recreational cannabis possession and use so far.

A 2019 National Survey on Drug Use and Health from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) found more than 48 million people aged 12 or older reported using cannabis at least once, compared to only 25.8 million people in that age range in 2002—an increase from 11 percent to 17 percent. There is also evidence that this trend toward legalization has led to growing numbers of people living with addiction.

Recent data show a significant increase in cannabis usage. In 2007, approximately 10 percent of people used cannabis, but by 2022, that figure had more than doubled to 22 percent, according to SAMHSA.

The rise in cannabis consumption has also prompted concerns about the potential for marijuana use disorder. One study estimates that about one in three cannabis users may develop this disorder. Another study found that the risk is even greater for those who start using marijuana during their youth or adolescence and for those who use it more frequently.

Regardless of whether more states legalize cannabis, there is a need for more regulation of the forms, content, and marketing of cannabis products to consumers, Ms. Jeffers told The Epoch Times.

“Like tobacco, it should be legal but discouraged,” she said. “Furthermore, more guidance to physicians on screening and counseling for cannabis use is necessary.”

Marijuana Legalization Is Putting People at Risk: Doctor

The research contributes to the growing evidence linking cannabis use with increased cardiovascular-related deaths and highlights the inherent dangers of legalizing it, Dr. Christopher Varughese, an Interventional and General Cardiology physician at Staten Island University Hospital, not associated with the study, told The Epoch Times.

“They found an increased risk of coronary heart disease, myocardial infarction (heart attack), and stroke,” he said. “Legalization of cannabis may place the public at greater risk for future cardiovascular events.”

While the observational study couldn’t prove marijuana caused the increased cardiovascular disease risk, the findings suggest cannabis use should be held to the same standards as tobacco regarding health risks, Dr. Varughese noted, emphasizing the need for strong public awareness efforts on the potential future cardiovascular risks.

As more data emerge, there is a clear association between cannabis use and future cardiovascular events, Dr. Varughese said. The risk increases with more frequent use, independent of tobacco.

“Most importantly, the increased risk was also observed in younger individuals, highlighting the potential concerns for this population segment,” he said.

DougMacG

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Re: Heatlh Risks with Marijuana
« Reply #567 on: March 23, 2024, 02:03:34 PM »
"I wonder if data would be different with edibles."

I don't know the answer to this and I haven't seen that it has been studied well. But THC elevates blood pressure and heart rate, so edibles definitely have some effect without inhaling smoke. Also very easy to ingest more than the intended amount with edibles.
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6461323/#:~:text=THC%20causes%20an%20acute%2C%20dose,and%20heart%20rate%20(HR).&text=Due%20to%20a%20quickly%20developing,usage%20frequency%20are%20commonly%20observed.
===========
"Even 1 Joint per Week Enough to Boost Heart Disease Risk"

What a strange metric, even one joint a week. According to the internet, one joint can equal 35 or more hits, where two or three small puffs ought to be enough for a casual user get the effect. At least that's what I hear the other kids say.
https://leafnation.com/cannabis/how-much-thc-is-in-a-joint/#How_Many_Hits_Do_You_Get_In_a_Joint

A casual user would not sit down once a week and have 20 times the needed dosage, IMHO, at least not intentionally.
« Last Edit: March 24, 2024, 03:19:27 AM by DougMacG »

Body-by-Guinness

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The War on Patients in Pain
« Reply #568 on: April 01, 2024, 03:51:28 PM »
This mirrors my experience while contending with cancer and lesser boo boos:

The War on Drugs Is Also a War on Pain Patients

Cato @ Liberty / by Jeffrey A. Singer / Apr 1, 2024 at 10:37 AM

Jeffrey A. Singer

Doctor's Exam with Prescription
In a March 22 opinion column in the New York Times entitled “The DEA Needs to Stay Out of Medicine,” Vanderbilt University Medical Center associate professor of anesthesiology and pain management Shravani Durbhakula, MD, documents powerfully how patients suffering from severe pain—many of them terminal cancer patients—have become collateral casualties in the government’s war on drugs.

Decrying the Drug Enforcement Administration’s progressive tightening of opioid manufacturing quotas, Dr. Durbhakula writes:

In theory, fewer opioids sold means fewer inappropriate scripts filled, which should curb the diversion of prescription opioids for illicit purposes and decrease overdose deaths — right?

I can tell you from the front lines that that’s not quite right. Prescription opioids once drove the opioid crisis. But in recent years opioid prescriptions have significantly fallen, while overdose deaths have been at a record high. America’s new wave of fatalities is largely a result of the illicit market, specifically illicit fentanyl. And as production cuts contribute to the reduction of the already strained supply of legal, regulated prescription opioids, drug shortages stand to affect the more than 50 million people suffering from chronic pain in more ways than at the pharmacy counter.

Dr. Durbhakula provides stories of patients having to travel long distances to see their doctors in person due to DEA requirements about opioid prescriptions. However, despite their efforts, they find that many of the pharmacies do not have the opioids they require because of quotas. She writes:

Health care professionals and pharmacies in this country are chained by the Drug Enforcement Administration. Our patients’ stress is the result not of an orchestrated set of practice guidelines or a comprehensive clinical policy but rather of one government agency’s crude, broad‐​stroke technique to mitigate a public health crisis through manufacturing limits — the gradual and repeated rationing of how much opioids can be produced by legitimate entities.

In the essay, Dr.Durbhakula does not question or challenge the false narrative that the overdose crisis originated with doctors “overprescribing” opioids to their pain patients.

Unfortunately, Dr. Durbhakula’s proposed policy recommendations would do little to advance patient and physician autonomy. She would merely transfer control over doctors treating pain from the cops to federal health bureaucracies and let those agencies set opioid production quotas. For instance, she claims, “It’s incumbent on us [doctors] to hand the reins of authority over to public health institutions better suited to the task.”

No. The “reins of authority” belong in the hands of patients and doctors.

Dr. Durbhakula suggests that “instead of defining medical aptness, the DEA should pass the baton to our nation’s public health agencies” and proposes that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Food and Drug Administration “collaborate” to “place controls on individual prescribing and respond to inappropriate prescribing.” She elides the fact that these public health agencies will “respond” to doctors or patients who don’t comply with their regulations by calling the cops.

To be sure, Dr. Durbhakula has good intentions. But replacing actual cops—the DEA—with federal health agencies that can order those cops to arrest non‐​compliant doctors and patients is like rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic. True, her proposed new pain management overlords would have greater medical expertise, but they would still reign over doctors and patients and assault their autonomy. And, as we learned during the COVID-19 pandemic, they will not be immune to political pressures and groupthink.

While her policy prescriptions may be flawed, Dr. Durbhakula deserves praise for having the courage to point out that the war on drugs is also a war on pain patients. Alas, courageous doctors are in short supply these days. Most doctors keep their heads down and follow the cops’ instructions.

After I read her essay, I wrote the following (unpublished) letter to the editor of the New York Times:

Dear Editor—

Kudos to Dr. Durhakula for speaking out against the Drug Enforcement Administration’s intruding on doctors’ pain treatment (“The DEA Needs to Stay Out of Medicine,” March 22, 2024). As my colleague and I explained in our 2022 Cato Institute white paper, “Cops Practicing Medicine,” for more than 100 years, law enforcement has been increasingly surveilling and regulating pain management.

The DEA maintains a schedule of substances it controls, and it categorizes them based on what the agency determines to be their safety and addictive potential. The DEA even presumes to know how many and what kind of controlled substances—from stimulants like Adderall to narcotics like oxycodone—the entire US population will need in future years, setting quotas on how many each pharmaceutical manufacturer may annually produce.

The DEA restricts pain management based on the flawed assumption that what they consider to be “overtreatment” caused the overdose crisis. However, as my colleagues and I showed, there is no correlation between the opioid prescription rate and the rate of non‐​medical opioid use or opioid addiction. And, of course, as fear of DEA reprisal has caused the prescription rate to drop precipitously in the last dozen years, overdose deaths have soared as the black market provided non‐​medical users of “diverted” prescription pain pills first with more dangerous heroin and later with fentanyl.

Researchers at the University of Pittsburgh School of Public Health found that overdose fatalities have been rising exponentially since at least the late 1970s, with different drugs predominating during various periods. Complex sociocultural, psychosocial, and socioeconomic forces are at the root of the overdose crisis, requiring serious investigation. Yet policymakers have chosen the lazy answer by blaming the overdose crisis on doctors treating pain.

When cops practice medicine, overdoses increase, drug cartels get richer, and patients suffer.

Sincerely,

Jeffrey A. Singer, MD, FACS

Senior Fellow, Cato Institute

When cops practice medicine, overdoses increase, drug cartels get richer, and patients suffer.

https://www.cato.org/blog/war-drugs-also-war-pain-patients

Crafty_Dog

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ccp

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MD governor marijuana pardons
« Reply #571 on: June 19, 2024, 02:09:38 PM »
but, of course, it has to turned into some racial story.
Black Democrat governor frees the black modern slaves  :roll:

“Our current reality of disproportionate arrests and convictions are the residuals of slavery,” Democratic Maryland Attorney General Anthony Brown said on Monday, according to CNN.

“Cannabis convictions for hundreds of thousands of people here in Maryland were scarlet letters, modern day shackles,” he continued. “I can almost hear the clanging of those shackles falling to the floor with your pardon this morning, governor.”


Crafty_Dog

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #572 on: June 19, 2024, 03:05:34 PM »
I barfed when I read that.

Body-by-Guinness

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FDA: Standing in the Way of Effective Pain Relief
« Reply #573 on: June 21, 2024, 10:22:13 PM »
I contend with chronic pain. Worse yet, back in my hard corp training and caving days I ate Ibuprofen—vitamin I we called it at the MMA academy—800 mg at a time 4 or more times a day, which impacted kidney health and prevents me from taking NSAIDs, which are effective against the arthritis, broken bone/titanium late in my foot among other aches I deal with. Had been working with a pain doc that had me on a lightweight opiate that is somewhat effective, but he’s disappeared from the practice under mysterious circumstances, while his replacement is hinting I might have move (ineffective) Tylenol in my future.

I’m far from alone. Given this, why is stuff like this resisted?

If Opiates Are Killing Americans, Why Won’t the FDA Let Us Try an Alternative?

FDA restricts alternative opiate

•Cato Recent Op-eds / by Jeffrey A. Singer / Jun 21, 2024 at 9:55 AM

Jeffrey A. Singer and Josh Bloom

For more than a decade, patients who’ve needed certain controlled medications have suffered from ill‐​advised, untenable policies the U.S. government has instituted, allegedly to mitigate the ever‐​surging numbers of drug overdose deaths. These policies have been a dismal failure on multiple fronts: Not only have deaths continued to surge, but the terrifying intrusion of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) into the practice of medicine has had a chilling effect on patients and their physicians.

,
As the DEA relentlessly tightens production quotas on medications for pain and ADHD, it has begun tracking every pill, making doctors increasingly reluctant to prescribe any controlled drugs and leaving many patients in a lurch. Perhaps worse, DEA production quotas have caused the back‐​order of multiple drugs—an increasingly common burden for patients, even those fortunate to have doctors willing to risk a DEA drug bust for simply doing their job.

The ill and disabled suffer the most. Virtually all patients who have diseases or chronic pain conditions will say that the emergency department is the single worst place to go for relief from severe pain. Doctors and hospitals are often more concerned about law enforcement looking over their shoulders than patient care. Patients desperate for pain relief often turn to street drugs, where they fall victim to counterfeit pills that contain fentanyl (or worse) instead of a legal opioid.

,
As the DEA relentlessly tightens regulations on pain meds, the FDA refuses to approve a safer alternative already being used in similar countries.

,
By contrast, doctors in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, and throughout Europe have been using a fixed‐​dose, inhaled general anesthesia medicine that effectively reduces acute pain—a medication denied to Americans by a seemingly indifferent Food and Drug Administration (FDA).

Doctors commonly used methoxyflurane (Penthrane) as a general anesthetic in the 1960s and 1970s. But, because it had toxic effects on the liver and kidneys, anesthesiologists gradually stopped using it and turned to safer anesthetics. In 2005, the FDA removed methoxyflurane from the market.

However, an Australian company, Medical Developments International, has been marketing a lower‐​dose, self‐​administered, single‐​use nasal inhaler version of methoxyflurane for 30 years. Its brand name is Penthrox, though many people refer to it as the “green whistle,” because of the package it comes in. People living in Europe have had access to the green whistle since 2015, and Canadian patients have had it since 2018.

In 2020, a randomized controlled clinical trial in the U.K. demonstrated that the drug saved an average of 71 minutes in providing pain relief to accident and emergency department patients. Likewise, a 2020 Australian trial found that a methoxyflurane inhaler “was associated with clinically significant lower pain scores compared to standard therapy.” While it may cause drowsiness in some people, methoxyflurane at this low dose has few adverse effects, such as liver and kidney toxicity, and there are no reported cases of addiction or abuse.

In 2022, the FDA finally lifted its “clinical hold” on methoxyflurane nasal inhalers and has allowed its manufacturer to resume FDA‐​supervised clinical trials. Unfortunately, this is an unnecessary waste of time.

This is hardly the first time the FDA has been behind the times, blocking Americans from accessing medications that are readily available in other advanced countries. People in Europe were able to purchase nonsedating antihistamines like Claritin over the counter (OTC) in the 1990s, but the FDA didn’t permit Americans to do this until 2002, instead forcing them to use more dangerous sedating OTC antihistamines, such as Benadryl.

It took 12 years and 4 months (beginning in 2001) for the FDA to finally give women the freedom to buy the emergency contraceptive Plan B over the counter, while during this same time, women in the U.K., Canada, and countries in Europe already had OTC access to the drug. And while women in over 100 other countries can get birth control without a prescription, American women still have to get a prescription for all but one.

Australians have been free to purchase the opioid overdose antidote naloxone OTC since 2016, and Italians have had it available to them since 1996. It wasn’t until 2023 that the FDA allowed Americans to buy the drug without a prescription and only in its nasal spray form.

Now, while Americans are having more and more difficulty getting access to pain‐​relieving opioids, the FDA forces them to wait for an alternative to opioids that people in much of the developed world have been using for years.

One way lawmakers can bypass the FDA’s long and arduous approval process is through a reform called international reciprocity—allowing American doctors and patients access to drugs and medical devices approved by regulatory agencies in similar countries. Labels on such products should plainly state “Not FDA‐​approved” but should state which country’s agency has approved them.

Reciprocal approval already exists among the European Union states plus Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway. There is no logical reason that Americans shouldn’t be able to access products approved in countries such as Canada, France, England, Switzerland, Australia, New Zealand, and Israel.

If Congress enacted reciprocity, Americans in pain would be able to get relief from methoxyflurane while the FDA deliberates. This common‐​sense action has enormous potential upside and little to no downside. Congress should act without delay.

https://www.cato.org/commentary/opiates-are-killing-americans-why-wont-fda-let-us-try-alternative

Crafty_Dog

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #574 on: June 23, 2024, 02:16:21 PM »
I no longer regard myself as a libertarian.  With War on Drugs, my thinking has changed to be OK with banning/controlling drugs that bypass/overwhelm free will, but still in favor of legal pot (with reasonable regs perhaps).

This article challenges that.

https://www.frontpagemag.com/california-legalized-drugs-cartels-took-it-over/

Body-by-Guinness

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #575 on: June 23, 2024, 04:22:15 PM »
I no longer regard myself as a libertarian.  With War on Drugs, my thinking has changed to be OK with banning/controlling drugs that bypass/overwhelm free will, but still in favor of legal pot (with reasonable regs perhaps).

This article challenges that.

https://www.frontpagemag.com/california-legalized-drugs-cartels-took-it-over/

Hmm, unsurprisingly I take issue:

• If “overwhelming free will” is the grail, alcohol is the leading candidate for prohibition, game, set match. Perhaps banning it will work better the second time around. I will gladly take wagers in any amount that it won’t. Any takers?

• MSM hyperventilation over has appointed scary du jour drugs like fentanyl and meth. Both are a result of the WOD, which creates market forces that relentlessly drive criminals to find more potent and hence more portable and diluteable central nervous stimulants and pain killers. Enforcing the status quo or putting drug lords on secret double parole or enacting whatever new sorts of criminalizations are being contemplated, or indeed merely rolling with the status quo will do nothing to alter those market forces. But hey, while we are tilting at windmills let’s repeal the law of gravitation, too as my feet hurt.

• As I’ve pointed out frequently in this thread, rates of addiction don’t much fluctuate over time, regardless of how onerous or lax drug laws are, there is a percentage of the population opts to consume psychoactive substances to excess, meaning to the point their addiction impacts their interpersonal, vocational, and familial relationships. As such I’d argue anything that fails to reduce the rates of addiction while creating the market forces noted above not only have no chance of success, but actually make things worse. As stated time and again, the WOD has done nothing but create perverse incentives and unmitigated failure for 50 plus years. As such embracing the status quo or indeed doubling, tripling, or whatever factor you chose down on abject failure is utter folly.

• “But what about these examples where legalization has inspired drug lords to behave like drug lords, or otherwise have failed to mitigate 50 years plus of abject failure?” I’d respond as such:

     1). Undoing 50+ years of folly takes more than flipping a legislative switch.
     2). The same government agencies, factotums, or their peers that effed things up in the first place are now “fixing” things. Fat chance.
     3). Here’s a wild thought: this is a war? Fine, what is the goal? If it’s make the bad guys go away it’s not working. Perhaps articulating the actual end and then creating an action plan based on achievable goals may be in order. Or we could wing it again and pass a lot of laws that enrich our foes and impact the rate of drug use not one whit.

I could rattle on. What does astound me currently is that folks who have watched the Covid narrative, the Russian collusion narrative, the most honest election ever mantra, the don’t believe the video as Biden is in full possession of his faculties heart crossing, the climate change narrative et al unfalsifiably unfold, can’t see the MSM/Deep State handholding and collusion that paved the way: the WOD. Name an element in any of the above that doesn’t have a more roughly hewn analog where the WOD is concerned. I’ll wait, and while waiting quote David Byrne: “Same as it ever was, same as it ever was, same as it ever was, SAME AS IT EVER WAS!”

Meanwhile, riddle me this: how many times do we have do see the gross overstatement dance, the utter failure waltz, citing the results of failed policy as the reason failure needs to be further embraced boogaloo, the utter willingness to embrace anything the MSM repeatedly regurgitates twist, et al ad nauseum? Fool me twice, shame on who?
 






« Last Edit: June 25, 2024, 02:41:43 PM by Body-by-Guinness »

Crafty_Dog

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #576 on: June 24, 2024, 05:03:47 AM »
No surprise, that was eloquent and well-reasoned.

Yet are not the death levels of over 100,000 of a previously unseen level?  What are we to make of the walking dead zombies we see in jurisdictions that have gone the legalization route?

Body-by-Guinness

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Re: The War on Drugs
« Reply #577 on: June 24, 2024, 05:42:18 PM »
No surprise, that was eloquent and well-reasoned.

Yet are not the death levels of over 100,000 of a previously unseen level?  What are we to make of the walking dead zombies we see in jurisdictions that have gone the legalization route?

Wait, I know! I’ll take “keep doing what brought us to this point in the first place of for $10,000, Alex.”

The non-facetious answer to this question is quite straightforward: the US should provide well metered doses of opiates to all junkies. It should then gather outcome data as a result of that effort and use that data to better inform the program’s future shape. While doing so it should seek cost effective means with low bureaucratic overhead to improve the nutrition and housing options available to junkies as they are now in direct contact with them and similarly use that outcome data to further tweak such programs.

Ideally private orgs will step up and administer these programs, with outcome data collected by an unbiased third party being used to reward those orgs that prove effective and while reducing renumeration for programs that fail to deliver as well as their peer organizations do. The most renumeration should go to those programs most successful at converting junkies into tax paying citizens. And so on. Oh, and great pains need to be taken to make sure a program such as this doesn’t turn into structure that employs a large class of people that do little beyond preserve the perquisites while reliably voting for the political party most likely to preserve those perquisites.

But what of those that say this puts the US in the position of underwriting addictive behavior? They are correct, just as those that say US behavior created this crisis in the first place also are. So do you want to fix the problem or wring hands about it while distributing millions to programs that support the status quo when not making it worse?

I am not, however, blind to the fact that, as currently constructed, all the problems that were caused by the WOD will be effectively addressed any time soon. Just like every other huge issue facing the US there is too much bureaucratic inertia and too many vested interests to have much hope of enacting an effective solution. Indeed, I don’t think the deficit will be addressed until we contend with a serious economic crash, the hollowing out of our military in favor of woke gibberish won’t be reversed until we get our assess seriously kicked, the pathologies an open border bring won’t be fixed until some near existential national crisis is caused on that front, and the hundreds of thousands dying as a result of the perverse incentives brought on by the WOD won’t change until there is something that forces effective change.

However saying so doesn’t mean I have to support a status quo brought to us by policies that have miserably failed by any rational measure, and am indeed at a loss when it comes to understanding what moral or argumentative superiority embrace of the failed confers.


Crafty_Dog

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WT: MD pot pardons
« Reply #578 on: June 25, 2024, 06:54:50 AM »


MARYLAND

Seeing a brighter future with pardon

Moore amnesty helps tens of thousands with pot convictions

BY BRIAN WITTE AND LEA SKENE ASSOCIATED PRESS BALTIMORE | For years, a few crumbs of cannabis played an outsized role in shaping Shiloh Jordan’s life.

With a stroke of a pen by Maryland Gov. Wes Moore, Mr. Jordan looks forward to that being in the past for him — as well as tens of thousands of other Marylanders who have been pardoned for misdemeanor marijuana convictions.

“I just feel like this is a big opportunity for people, you know, to not let struggles get in their way,” Mr. Jordan, 32, said in an interview with The Associated Press on Tuesday, a day after he watched the governor sign an executive order for the sweeping pardon of more than 175,000 convictions.

Mr. Jordan was in his early 20s when he was pulled over in Howard County for not wearing a seat belt on his way home from work as a custodian at a nursing home. The officer said she smelled marijuana, and using a piece of tape, she found cannabis crumbs on the floor of the vehicle, Mr. Jordan said.

“She was just like, ‘Yep, you’re going to jail,’” Mr. Jordan recalled of the incident from about a dozen years ago. “I’m like what? Are you serious?”

“But that was the law back then, so she took me to jail, locked me up,” Mr. Jordan said.

He said he didn’t think much of the minor charge — until his second day at a new job when he was let go because a background check had uncovered his misdemeanor conviction. It was disheartening, and it made him think about the myriad challenges facing young people growing up in poverty, all the things that so often stand in the way of them staying on the straight and narrow, Mr. Jordan said.

“I felt defeated,” he said. “I was just trying to, you know, do the right thing.”

He ended up participating in a job readiness program and later going back to school and playing football in college. He now works as an outreach coordinator at the Center for Urban Families in Baltimore, a nonprofit focused on helping families pull themselves out of poverty.

The governor’s actions this week come after President Biden’s administration announced earlier this year that it will take a historic step toward easing federal restrictions on cannabis, reclassifying the drug.

Recreational cannabis was legalized in Maryland in 2023 after voters approved a constitutional amendment in 2022 with 67% of the vote. Maryland decriminalized possession of personal use amounts of cannabis on Jan. 1, 2023. Now, 24 states and the District of Columbia have legalized recreational marijuana.

“This is about changing how both government and society view those who have been walled off from opportunity because of broken and uneven policies,” Mr. Moore, a Democrat, said during last Monday’s announcement.

Advocates praised the move, both for its symbolic significance and for its potential to help remove barriers to housing, employment and other opportunities.

“It was a gargantuan step forward in recognizing the harms of the war on drugs, the racist war on drugs,” said Somil Trivedi, chief legal and advocacy director for Maryland Legal Aid. “It’s also, meaningfully, a recognition of that past and a way to move forward.”


Crafty_Dog

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Steppenwolf
« Reply #579 on: June 26, 2024, 06:27:38 PM »

Body-by-Guinness

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Home Distilling to Become Legal?
« Reply #580 on: July 11, 2024, 02:00:30 PM »
Rather than start a dedicated booze thread, I’ll drop this here. I have it on very good authority that the mulberries found on the mountain ferment nicely and distills well. Very good authority:

[Jonathan H. Adler] Court Holds Federal Ban on Home-Distilling Exceeds Congress' Enumerated Powers

The Volokh Conspiracy / by Jonathan H. Adler / Jul 11, 2024 at 1:16 PM

[A potentially important post-NFIB enumerated powers challenge. ]

Yesterday, in Hobby Distillers Association v. Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, a federal district court in Texas held that federal laws banning distilled spirits plants (aka "stills") in homes or dwellings exceed the scope of Congress' enumerated powers. Specifically, the court concluded that the prohibitions exceed the scope of the federal taxing power and the Interstate Commerce Clause, even as supplemented by the Necessary and Proper Clause. The court further entered a permanent injunction barring enforcement of these provisions against those plaintiffs found to have standing (one individual and members of the Hobby Distillers Association.) The plaintiffs were represented by attorneys at the Competitive Enterprise Institute, and background on the case (and the various filings) can be found on CEI's website here.

Hobby Distillers Association has the potential to be a significant post-NFIB challenge to the expansive of use of federal power. A few excerpts from the decision are below the jump.

On the taxing power:

This "power of the purse" grants Congress a broad power to tax and spend on things it cannot directly regulate through some other enumerated power. Id.; License Tax Cases, 72 U.S. 462, 471 (1866) ("It is true that the power of Congress is a very extensive power . . . given in the Constitution, with only one exception and only two qualifications."). Thus, Congress may reach any subject through taxation, so long as it: (1) does not tax exports; (2) apportions direct taxes among the states; and (3) imposes indirect taxes uniformly across the nation. See U.S. CONST. art. I, § 8, cl. 1; § 9, cl. 4. So too can Congress reach any subject with spending, going so far as to use federal funds to induce a state's compliance in regulating subjects otherwise unreachable by Congress. See, e.g., South Dakota v. Dole, 483 U.S. 203, 205–06 (1987) (holding that Congress could condition the receipt of federal highway funds on South Dakota's raising the state's drinking age to twenty-one).

But even broad power is not limitless. While Congress can certainly tax its way to burdening or influencing behavior, like taxing marijuana to discourage its use, United States v. Sanchez, 640 U.S. 42, 44–45 (1950), "Congress's authority under the taxing power is limited to requiring an individual to pay money into the Federal Treasury, no more. If a tax is properly paid, the Government has no power to compel or punish individuals subject to it." NFIB, 567 U.S. at 574. . . .

every tax must produce some revenue for the government, period. NFIB, 567 U.S. at 564. Indeed, the production of revenue, however negligible, is any tax's "essential feature." Id. (citing United States v. Kahriger, 345 U.S. 22, 28 (1953) (abrogated on other grounds)); see, e.g., U.S. CONST. art. I, § 7, cl. 1 (requiring all bills for raising revenue to originate in the House of Representatives). T

hus, mindful that "[e]very reasonable construction must be resorted to, in order to save a statute from unconstitutionality," Hooper v. California, 155 U.S. 648, 657 (1895), the Court concludes that §§ 5601(6) and 5178 (a)(1)(B) are not within Congress's enumerated taxing power.

First, §§ 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) do not raise revenue. Section 5178(a)(1)(B) simply prohibits the placement of a "distilled sprits plant . . . in any dwelling house, in any shed, yard, or inclosure [sic] connected with any dwelling house, or on board any vessel or boat," § 5178(a)(1)(B), nor does it allow any still in any location where beer or wine is produced, or any other business premises, unless excepted by the Secretary. Id. And § 5601(6) merely makes it a felony to violate § 5178.

Second, § 5178(a)(1)(B), compared to its textual neighbors, makes no mention of the secretary of the treasury, the commissioner of internal revenue, revenue generally, nor the protection of revenue. See 26 U.S.C. §§ 5178(a)(1)(A), (a)(1)(C). . . .

Thus, Congress did nothing more than statutorily ferment a crime— without any reference to taxation, exaction, protection of revenue, or sums owed to the government. That plasters sections 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) as "not a tax." The government argues that it is a proper use of the taxing power to "prevent[] concealment of stills and 'frauds on the revenue' [by prohibiting] distilling operations in certain locations." ECF No. 30 at 21. But that conflates the enumerated taxing power with the incidental powers contained in the necessary and proper clause— which is a distinct inquiry. See Part II(b). What matters here is simple: notwithstanding its placement in the internal revenue code, NFIB, 567 U.S., at 563–65, and a facially tangential connection to taxes imposed on spirits, Drexel Furniture, 259 U.S. at 36–37, Section 5178(a)(1)(B), enforced by a criminal penalty in Section 5601(6), lacks "the essential feature of any tax." NFIB, 567 U.S. at 564. Because "Congress's authority under the taxing power is limited to requiring an individual to pay money into the Federal Treasury," id. at 574, it follows that any law that does not require one to pay money into the treasury is not a exercise of the taxing power.

On whether Necessary and Proper to th4e execution of the taxing power.

Since Congress's taxing power is authoritative only from the time a tax liability arises to the point at which it is paid, NFIB, 567 U.S. at 574, "the taxing power does not give Congress the same degree of control over individual behavior [as the commerce power]." Id. So, it follows that Congress cannot rely on a "reasonable" or "rational" connection to an existing tax to regulate every individual behavior occurring before that tax obligation becomes effective. Thus, the applicable standard is not whether §§ 5178(a)(1)(B) and 5601(6) have a "reasonable connection" to revenue, but whether they are needful and "plainly adapted" to executing Congress's taxes on spirits. McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 324–25, 421. Applied here, the Court concludes that §§ 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) fail this standard.

First, the provisions at issue punish individuals Congress cannot reach. The power to tax is a positive one. U.S. CONST., art. I, § 8 cl. 1. Congress has the power to lay and collect taxes. Id. And Congress has the power to punish those who defraud the government in the process of paying them. Comstock, 560 U.S. at 137. But §§ 5601(6) and 5178(b)(1)(A) criminalize conduct of persons not subject to the tax, because the tax liability exists only "from the time the spirits are in existence until such tax is paid." ECF No. 30 at 11 (quoting 26 U.S.C. § 5004(a)(1)). Thus, these provisions are not "needful" nor "proper" to "carry [the taxing power] into execution," U.S. CONST., art. 1, § 8, cl. 18; McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 367, because Congress cannot criminalize the conduct of a person to whom its enumerated taxing power does not yet apply. NFIB, 567 U.S. at 557 ("The proposition that Congress may dictate the conduct of an individual today because of prophesied future activity finds no support in our precedent.").

Second, these provisions are not plainly adapted to executing the taxing power because they are not meaningfully connected to the modus operandi of spirits taxes. Id. Indeed, the plain text of the challenged provisions makes no reference to any mechanism or process that operates to protect revenue. Sections 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) only prohibit the certain placement of stills, while other provisions touch the product to be taxed. See, e.g., 26 U.S.C. § 5178(a)(2)(B) (requiring that distilling systems be so constructed as to prevent the removal of distilled spirits before it can be measured by the still's gauge, therefore accurately reporting a volume of spirits to be taxed); Id. § 5178(a)(2)(C) (allowing the Secretary of the Treasury to require still operators to notify the government if they change or add to a distilling apparatus "as [the Secretary] may deem necessary to facilitate inspection and [secure] the revenue"). . . .

Accordingly, the Court concludes that this arrangement is not "plainly adapted" to the execution of Congress's power to lay and collect taxes, because the prohibition is not "suitable and fitted . . . to the end proposed." McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 324–25, 421. Indeed, this current arrangement is exemplary of the "distinction between those means which are incidental to the particular power, which follow as a corollary from it, and those which may be arbitrarily assumed as convenient to the execution of the power." McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 365. While prohibiting the possession of an at-home still meant to distill beverage alcohol might be convenient to protect tax revenue on spirits, it is not a sufficiently clear corollary to the positive power of laying and collecting taxes. Accordingly, neither the Taxing Power nor the Necessary and Proper clause authorize 26 U.S.C. §§ 5178(b)(1)(A) or 5601(6) as enacted.

On the Commerce Power.

At issue here is the "substantial effects" doctrine, which allows Congress to reach purely local and non-economic activity that substantially affects commerce in the aggregate. NFIB, 567 U.S. at 549. Because this doctrine gives Congress the longest reach, it requires the most prerequisites to pass constitutional muster. It is generally settled that a regulation of local, non-commercial behavior falls within Congress's commerce power when it: (1) substantially affects interstate commerce in the aggregate, Wickard, 317 U.S. at 128–29; (2) serves a comprehensive statute that regulates commercial activity on its face, Gonzalez v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1, 19 (2005); and (3) is necessary to make that broader commercial regulation effective. Id. at 23–26.

Even so, Congress's reach under this doctrine is not limitless. Indeed, "[t]he Commerce Clause is not a general license to regulate an individual from cradle to grave, simply because he will predictably engage in particular transactions." NFIB, 567 U.S at 549. So, where regulating a purely local activity does not serve a broader, overarching statutory scheme, Congress cannot not reach it. United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 567–68 (1995). . . .

While the Act is a statutory scheme that governs commerce on its face, the Court concludes that it is not the comprehensive kind that justifies Congressional regulation of local behavior, like in Wickard and Raich. To be sure, the Act is "comprehensive" in the sense that it addresses just about every facet of  the interstate alcohol market. It requires alcohol "businesses" to have permits, 27 U.S.C. §§ 203, 204; regulates bulk sales and bottling, id. § 206; and defines and prohibits unfair competition in interstate commerce. Id. § 205. And subchapter II of the Act prescribes various labelling requirements for alcohol products, mindful that "the American public should be informed about the health hazards that may result from the . . . abuse of alcoholic beverages." Id. § 213.

But the Act is not a "comprehensive" regulation of commerce of the kind that allows Congressional intervention in every related local activity. This is because the Act does not directly regulate the supply and demand of alcohol, does not make Congress a production manager over each distillery to inflate prices, and is not part of a federal directive to either promote or eliminate a national marketplace for alcohol. Compare 27 U.S.C. § 201 et seq.; Wickard, 317 U.S. at 128–29; Raich, 545 U.S. at 1. In short, the Act is not a "comprehensive" scheme of regulation because there are many aspects of the alcohol industry that Congress has left untouched. For example, the Act does not mandate the quantity of spirits that a distillery may produce. It is silent on a label's design and aesthetics absent a required warning label. And it despite providing parameters for fair competition, it does not influence how much market share a producer may obtain. There is simply no similar degree of control over the "production, distribution, and consumption" of alcohol as there was for wheat in Wickard or controlled substances in Raich. . . .

Beginning and ending with the text, neither of these provisions connect the prohibited behavior to interstate commerce. And no reasonable construction of the statutes can insert language that does. Hooper, 155 U.S. at 657. Like Lopez prohibited the knowing possession of a firearm at or near a school, §§ 5601(6) and 5178(a)(1)(B) prohibit the possession of a still with the intent to produce beverage alcohol in or near a residence, boat, vessel, or any site of business. 26 U.S.C. §§ 5601(6), 5178(a)(1)(B). The statute does not, for instance, prohibit the possession of a still with intent to imbibe where the still's components travelled in interstate commerce. Compare 18 U.S.C. § 922, et seq. Nor does it prohibit the possession of a still with intent to produce beverage alcohol for distribution in interstate commerce. Id. While the statutes may anticipate that one who distills liquor at home may attempt to distribute it in violation of some other federal law, the text remains the text. These provisions are simply "criminal statute that by [their] terms" have no commerce-clause jurisdictional hook to bring the behavior Congress seeks to regulate within its authority. Lopez, 514 U.S. at 561.

The post Court Holds Federal Ban on Home-Distilling Exceeds Congress' Enumerated Powers appeared first on Reason.com.

https://reason.com/volokh/2024/07/11/court-holds-federal-ban-on-home-distilling-exceeds-congress-enumerated-powers/

Body-by-Guinness

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Friedman on WOD Folly
« Reply #581 on: July 31, 2024, 07:02:42 PM »
Those seeking to sell the WOD have adhered to a familiar formula: present drugs as an existential threat, present addicts as groveling degenerates, thrum on their simpleminded constructs to the point even those in possession of critical faculties come to believe those constructs, ignore previous abject failures such as Prohiition, denigrate those that take issue with them, and so on. Then there’s the one I find most galling: citing the failures and perverse incentives caused by the WOD as reasons we MUST double down or whatever on the failed polices that caused problems they then cite as reasons to fail evermore.

There are a lot of parallels between the WOD and other statist/authoritarian efforts like the climate scam, DEI horsekaka, open border efforts, et al. It never ceases to amaze that folks that see a scam for what it is in other context are unable to transfer that point of view to other matters employing similar means and despite the crystal clear concepts expressed by folks like Friedman:

Milton Friedman: ‘Crack Would Never Have Existed If You Had Not Had Drug Prohibition’
Cato @ Liberty / by Michael Chapman / Jul 31, 2024 at 4:13 AM
Michael Chapman

friedman
Nobel laureate Milton Friedman, a libertarian and one of the most influential economists of the twentieth century, was born on July 31, 1912, and died on November 16, 2006, at the age of 94. This blog is posted in remembrance of his birthday and his legacy, particularly his many contributions to individual freedom.

Over his distinguished career, Friedman’s work influenced such areas as US monetary policy, macroeconomics, taxation, deregulation, privatization, and school choice. He was also one of the most articulate and persuasive advocates for the legalization of drugs, arguing that the war on drugs had failed just like Prohibition had failed.

The situation today with violent narco-cartels, police and government corruption, global drug markets, fentanyl overdoses, ever-stronger synthetic drugs, and thousands of bystander victims only strengthens his argument. One of the best interviews of Friedman where he addressed the pros and cons of drug legalization occurred in 1991 on “America’s Drug Forum,” a program hosted by Emmy Award-winning reporter Randy Paige and broadcast on public television.

During the lengthy interview, Friedman explains, for instance, how the war on drugs is like alcohol prohibition in the 1920s-30s, complete with gang violence, corruption, and innocent victims. “Alcohol was readily available” during Prohibition, says Friedman. “Bootlegging was common. Any idea that alcohol prohibition was keeping people from drinking was absurd. There were speakeasies all over the place. But more than that, we had this spectacle of Al Capone, of the hijackings, of the gang wars. … Anybody with two eyes to see could see that this was a bad deal, that you were doing more harm than good.”

“The same thing happened under prohibition of alcohol as is happening now,” says Friedman. “Under prohibition of alcohol, deaths from alcohol poisoning, from poisoning by things that were mixed in with the illegal bootleg alcohol, went up sharply. Similarly, under drug prohibition, deaths from overdose, from adulterations, from adulterated substances have gone up.” This is certainly the case with fentanyl when laced with other drugs.

Part 1: Milton Friedman on Legalizing Drugs (Source: YouTube)

Friedman also notes that legal drugs, such as alcohol and tobacco (nicotine), are among the top substances abused by Americans and cause far more deaths than those claimed by illegal drugs. According to the CDC, in 2020–2021 there were 178,307 deaths caused by excessive alcohol use in the United States; the American Lung Association reports that smoking kills more than 480,000 per year in the US and second-hand smoke causes 41,000 deaths each year. In 2022, according to the CDC, there were 107,941 drug overdose deaths. Those deaths involved drugs such as fentanyl, heroin, cocaine, and methamphetamine.

Commenting further, Friedman says, “Look, the case for prohibiting drugs is exactly as strong and as weak as the case for prohibiting people from overeating. We all know that overeating causes more deaths than drugs do. If it’s in principle okay for the government to say you must not consume drugs because they’ll do you harm, why isn’t it all right to say you must not eat too much because it will do harm? Why isn’t it all right to say you must not try to go in for skydiving because you’re likely to die? Why isn’t it all right to say, ‘Oh, skiing, that’s no good, that’s a very dangerous sport, you’ll hurt yourself?’ Where do you draw the line?”

Friedman, who was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1988 by President Ronald Reagan, also explains how criminalizing drugs drives “people from mild drugs to strong drugs” and adds that crack cocaine “would never have existed, in my opinion, if you had not had drug prohibition.” Why was crack cocaine created? he asks. “Because cocaine was so expensive.” And it was expensive because of drug prohibition.

Part 2 : Milton Friedman on Legalizing Drugs (Source: YouTube)

Further, “if you look at the drug war from a purely economic point of view, the role of the government is to protect the drug cartel,” says Friedman. “That’s literally true. … What do I mean by that? In an ordinary free market business—let’s take potatoes, beef, anything you want—there are thousands of importers and exporters. Anybody can go into the business. But it’s very hard for a small person to go into the drug-importing business because our interdiction efforts essentially make it enormously costly. So, the only people who can survive in that business are these large, Medellin cartel kind of people who have enough money so they can have fleets of airplanes, so they can have sophisticated methods, and so on.”

y keeping goods out and by arresting, let’s say, local marijuana growers, the government keeps the price of these products high,” explains Friedman. “What more could a monopolist want? He’s got a government who makes it very hard for all his competitors and who keeps the price of his products high. It’s absolutely heaven.”

If drugs were legalized in the United States, says Friedman, “the one adverse effect that legalization might have is that there very likely would be more people taking drugs. That’s not by any means clear. But if you legalize it, you destroy the black market, the price of drugs will go down drastically.”

He qualifies this point by saying, “The child who’s shot in a slum in a pass-by shooting, in a random shooting, is an innocent victim in every respect of the term. The person who decides to take drugs for himself is not an innocent victim. He has chosen himself to be a victim. And I must say I have very much less sympathy for him. I do not think it is moral to impose such heavy costs on other people to protect people from their own choices.”

Drug use is a “moral problem,” says Friedman. “It’s a problem of the harm which government is doing. Look, I have estimated statistically that the prohibition of drugs produces on the average 10,000 additional homicides a year. It’s a moral problem that the government is going around killing 10,000 people. It’s a moral problem that the government is making into criminals people who may be doing something you and I don’t approve of but who are doing something that hurts nobody else.”

Part 3: Milton Friedman on Legalizing Drugs (Source: YouTube)

“I would legalize drugs by subjecting them to exactly the same rules that alcohol and cigarettes are subjected to now,” says Friedman. “Alcohol and cigarettes cause more deaths than drugs do, by far, from use, but many fewer innocent victims.”

When asked if anything frightens him about legalizing drugs, Friedman replies, “Nothing scares me about the notion of drugs being legal. … What scares me is the notion of continuing on the path we’re on now, which will destroy our free society, making it an uncivilized place.”

In addition to winning the 1976 Nobel Prize for Economics, Friedman served as a professor at the University of Chicago (1946–77) and was a Hoover Institution Fellow at Stanford University (1977–2006). He was awarded the National Medal of Science (1988) and he wrote several influential books, including Capitalism and Freedom, A Monetary History of the United States 1867–1960, and, with his wife Rose Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement. The latter was adapted into a ten-part TV series and broadcast on PBS.

You can watch the entire interview with Milton Friedman in the three videos embedded in this blog. A condensed transcript is provided below. For more on the failed war on drugs, visit the Cato Institute website.

milton rose friedman
Milton and Rose Friedman, authors of the best seller “Free to Choose: A Personal Statement.”
Partial transcript, “America’s Drug Forum,” 1991:

Randy Paige: Let us deal first with the issue of legalization of drugs. How do you see America changing for the better under that system?

Milton Friedman: I see America with half the number of prisons; half the number of prisoners; 10,000 fewer homicides a year; inner cities in which there’s a chance for these poor people to live without being afraid for their lives; citizens who might be respectable who are now addicts not being subject to becoming criminals in order to get their drug; being able to get drugs for which they’re sure of the quality. You know, the same thing happened under prohibition of alcohol as is happening now.

Under prohibition of alcohol, deaths from alcohol poisoning, from poisoning by things that were mixed in with the illegal bootleg alcohol, went up sharply. Similarly, under drug prohibition, deaths from overdose, from adulterations, from adulterated substances have gone up.

Paige: How would legalization adversely affect America, in your view?

Friedman: The one adverse effect that legalization might have is that there very likely would be more people taking drugs. That’s not by any means clear. But if you legalize it, you destroy the black market, the price of drugs will go down drastically. And, as an economist, lower prices tend to generate more demand. However, there are some very strong qualifications to be made for that. The effect of criminalization, of making drugs criminal, is to drive people from mild drugs to strong drugs.

Paige: In what way?

Friedman: Well, you may, take marijuana. Marijuana is a very heavy, bulky substance, and therefore it’s relatively easy to interdict. The warriors on drugs have been more successful interdicting marijuana than, let’s say, cocaine. So marijuana prices have gone up, they become harder to get. There’s been an incentive to grow more potent marijuana and people have been driven from marijuana to heroin, or cocaine, or crack or one of the other drugs.

Paige: Let us consider another drug then, and that is the drug crack, crack cocaine.

Friedman: Crack would never have existed, in my opinion, if you had not had drug prohibition. It was drug prohibition. Why was crack created? Because cocaine was so expensive. … I’m not talking from personal experience. I’ve never touched any of this stuff. I’m speaking from what I’ve read in the literature. But the preferred method of taking cocaine, from what I understand, was by sniffing it, snorting it, became very expensive, and they were desperate to find a way of packaging cocaine.

… [Crack] is addictive, but I understand from all the medical evidence that it’s no more addictive than other drugs. In fact, the most addictive drug everybody acknowledges is tobacco.

Friedman: … Prohibition was repealed in 1933 when I was 21 years old—so I was a teenager during most of Prohibition. Alcohol was readily available. Bootlegging was common. Any idea that alcohol prohibition was keeping people from drinking was absurd. There were speakeasies all over the place. But more than that, we had this spectacle of Al Capone, of the hijackings, of the gang wars. … Anybody with two eyes to see could see that this was a bad deal, that you were doing more harm than good.

Now, in addition, I became an economist, and as an economist I came to recognize the importance of markets and free choice and of consumer sovereignty and came to discover the harm that was done when you interfered with them. The laws against drugs were passed in 1914, but there was no very great enforcement of it. …

… But I have to admit that the one negative feature of legalizing drugs is that there might be some additional drug addicts. However, I want to qualify that in still another way.

The child who’s shot in a slum in a pass-by shooting, in a random shooting, is an innocent victim in every respect of the term. The person who decides to take drugs for himself is not an innocent victim. He has chosen himself to be a victim. And I must say I have very much less sympathy for him. I do not think it is moral to impose such heavy costs on other people to protect people from their own choices.

Paige: For us to understand the real root of those beliefs, how about if we just talk for a minute about free market economic perspective, that perspective, and how you see the proper role of government in its dealings with the individual.

Friedman: The proper role of government is exactly what John Stuart Mill said in the middle of the nineteenth century in “On Liberty.” The proper role of government is to prevent other people from harming an individual. Government, he said, never has any right to interfere with an individual for that individual’s own good.

Look, the case for prohibiting drugs is exactly as strong and as weak as the case for prohibiting people from overeating. We all know that overeating causes more deaths than drugs do. If it’s in principle okay for the government to say you must not consume drugs because they’ll do you harm, why isn’t it all right to say you must not eat too much because it will do harm? Why isn’t it all right to say you must not try to go in for skydiving because you’re likely to die? Why isn’t it all right to say, “Oh, skiing, that’s no good, that’s a very dangerous sport, you’ll hurt yourself”?

Where do you draw the line?

… It [drugs] does harm a great many other people, but primarily because it’s prohibited. There are an enormous number of innocent victims now. You’ve got the people whose purses are stolen, who are bashed over the head by people trying to get enough money for their next fix. You’ve got the people killed in the random drug wars. You’ve got the corruption of the legal establishment. You’ve got the innocent victims who are taxpayers who have to pay for more and more prisons, and more and more prisoners, and more and more police. You’ve got the rest of us who don’t get decent law enforcement because all the law enforcement officials are busy trying to do the impossible. And last, but not least, you’ve got the people of Colombia and Peru and so on. What business do we have destroying and leading to the killing of thousands of people in Colombia because we cannot enforce our own laws? If we could enforce our laws against drugs, there would be no market for these drugs. You wouldn’t have Colombia in the state it’s in.

Paige: Is it not true that the entire discussion here, the entire drug problem is an economic problem till now?

Friedman: No, it’s not an economic problem at all. It’s a moral problem. I’m an economist. But the economics problem is strictly tertiary. It’s a moral problem. It’s a problem of the harm which government is doing. Look, I have estimated statistically that the prohibition of drugs produces on the average 10,000 additional homicides a year. It’s a moral problem that the government is going around killing 10,000 people. It’s a moral problem that the government is making into criminals people who may be doing something you and I don’t approve of but who are doing something that hurts nobody else. Most of the arrests for drugs are for possession by casual users. Now, here’s somebody who wants to smoke a cigarette, a marijuana joint. If he’s caught, he goes to jail. Now, is that moral? Is that proper? I think it’s absolutely disgraceful that our government’s—supposed to be our government—should be in the position of converting people who are not harming others into criminals, of destroying their lives, putting them in jail. I don’t— that’s the issue to me. …

… See, if you look at the drug war from a purely economic point of view, the role of the government is to protect the drug cartel. That’s literally true.

Paige: Is it doing a good job of it?

Friedman: Excellent. What do I mean by that? In an ordinary free market business—let’s take potatoes, beef, anything you want—there are thousands of importers and exporters. Anybody can go into the business. But it’s very hard for a small person to go into the drug-importing business because our interdiction efforts essentially make it enormously costly. So, the only people who can survive in that business are these large, Medellin cartel kind of people who have enough money so they can have fleets of airplanes, so they can have sophisticated methods, and so on.

In addition to which, by keeping goods out and by arresting, let’s say, local marijuana growers, the government keeps the price of these products high. What more could a monopolist want? He’s got a government who makes it very hard for all his competitors and who keeps the price of his products high. It’s absolutely heaven.

… [Drug] legalization is a way to stop—in our forum as citizens—a government from using our power to engage in the immoral behavior of killing people, taking lives away from people in the US, in Colombia, and elsewhere, which we have no business doing.

Paige: So, you see the role of government right now as being just as deadly as if Uncle Sam were to take a gun to somebody’s head.

Friedman: That’s what he’s doing, of course. Right now Uncle Sam is not only taking a gun to somebody’s head, he’s taking his property without due process of law. The drug enforcers are expropriating property, in many cases of innocent people on whom they don’t have a real warrant. That’s a terrible way to run what’s supposed to be a free country.

Paige: … How would you legalize drugs? How would you go about doing that?

Friedman: I would legalize drugs by subjecting them to exactly the same rules that alcohol and cigarettes are subjected to now. Alcohol and cigarettes cause more deaths than drugs do, by far, from use, but many fewer innocent victims. And the major innocent victims, in that case, are the people who are killed by drunk drivers. And we ought to enforce the law against drunk driving, just as we ought to enforce the law against driving under the influence of marijuana or cocaine, or anything else.

But I would, as a first step at least, treat the drugs exactly the same way we now treat alcohol and tobacco, no different.

….

Paige: What scares you the most about the notion of drugs being legal?

Friedman: Nothing scares me about the notion of drugs being legal.

Paige: Nothing?

Friedman: What scares me is the notion of continuing on the path we’re on now, which will destroy our free society, making it an uncivilized place. There’s only one way you can really enforce the drug laws currently. The only way to do that is to adopt the policies of Saudi Arabia, Singapore, which some other countries adopt, in which a drug addict is subject to capital punishment or, at the very least, having his hand chopped off. If we were willing to have penalties like that—but would that be a society you’d want to live in?

Paige: Last question. You have grandchildren?

Friedman: Absolutely. I have a two-year-old granddaughter named Becca.

Paige: When you look at Becca, what do you see for her and for her future?

Friedman: That depends entirely upon what you and your fellow citizens do to our country. If you and your fellow citizens continue on moving more and more in the direction of socialism, not only inspired through your drug prohibition, but through your socialization of schools, the socialization of medicine, the regulation of industry, I see for my granddaughter the equivalent of Soviet communism three years ago [before the collapse of the USSR in 1991].

https://www.cato.org/blog/milton-friedman-crack-would-never-have-existed-you-had-not-had-drug-prohibition

Body-by-Guinness

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Book Review: WOD as a Constitutional Failure
« Reply #582 on: August 09, 2024, 12:48:32 PM »
As most know, I’ve long sought any measure by which the WOD can be claimed a success, not only here, but everywhere else I encounter arguments in favor of it. Not one has been forthcoming. There’s been gaslighting aplenty, with some so sunk in it they have bought into an unstated argument for which there is not proof that ridding ourselves of failed efforts will make the current horrible outcomes worse, as well as anecdote confusing causality by citing a negative outcome to argue their cause should be continued, among other, primarily ad hominem, efforts. Here, however, another field of failure is considered: that damage done to constitutional protections by the WOD:

THE WAR ON DRUGS AS A CONSTITUTIONAL FAILURE
Aug 8, 2024 Ilya Somin

David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (2024).

If one of the purposes of constitutional law is to protect liberty against abuses of government power, the War on Drugs must be regarded as one of America’s greatest constitutional failures. Over the last century, and especially since its expansion beginning with the Controlled Substances Act of 1968, the War on Drugs has led to thousands of needless deaths, the imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of people, and severe violations of civil liberties—all without doing much to curb the social problems of drug abuse and addiction. With rare exceptions, constitutional law has done little to curb these great evils.

In The Constitution of the War on Drugs, David Pozen gives us the most through and insightful overview of this failure to date. As he demonstrates, there were a number of plausible constitutional arguments for curbing the War on Drugs that—if accepted by the courts—might have significantly limited at least the most severe abuses. But, for the most part, they were rejected. He also offers useful suggestions for future strategy by drug law reformers.

Pozen’s book is an impressive achievement, and there are many valuable lessons in it for both constitutional law scholars and those interested in the War on Drugs and criminal justice. But I do have some reservations about both his historical and doctrinal analysis, and his normative prescriptions.

As Pozen ably documents, the constitutional stage for the modern War on Drugs was set by two major developments of the Progressive and New Deal eras. The first was an expansion in the understanding of state “police power.” Previously, many paternalistic regulations were likely to be struck down under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment or its state equivalents. The rise of anti-gambling and alcohol prohibition movements helped change that, leading courts to give state governments more leeway. This undermined potential individual-rights challenges to drug prohibition.

The second big shift was the vast expansion of federal regulatory power under the Commerce Clause, with decisions like Wickard v. Filburn (1942), giving the government the power to regulate almost any seemingly commercial activity, no matter how local. This undermined previous constraints on federal power that restricted Congress’ authority to pass laws that forbade the mere possession or in-state distribution of goods and services. Recall that the adoption of nationwide alcohol prohibition required the enactment of a constitutional amendment (later repealed). After the New Deal revolution, no such constitutional amendment was (at least according to the Supreme Court) needed to institute sweeping federal drug prohibition.

While these early twentieth century developments opened the door to drug prohibition, Pozen explains that some jurisprudential trends since the 1960s made constitutional challenges to the War on Drugs potentially feasible.

Beginning with Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), which struck down a state law banning distribution of contraceptives to married couples, the Supreme Court issued a series of decisions protecting various personal liberties under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, particularly those relating to reproduction and bodily autonomy. This opened up the possibility that the right to take illegal drugs might be similarly protected.

Later, a more conservative Supreme Court once again began to enforce limits on federal Commerce Clause authority, starting with United States v. Lopez (1995). This created hope that at least some types of federal drug prohibition might be invalidated as beyond the scope of congressional power.

Sadly, neither approach had much success. With the exception of a few notable state supreme court rulings, courts largely rejected the idea that constitutional rights of bodily autonomy extended to the use of illicit drugs. On the federalism front, in Gonzales v. Raich (2005), a 6-3 Supreme Court ruled that Congress’ power to regulate interstate commerce was broad enough to encompass even a ban on the possession of medical marijuana that had never crossed state lines, and never been sold in any market within a state.

Pozen also goes over other several other types of constitutional challenges to the War on Drugs, including arguments that it violates freedom of speech (because drug users often partake for the purpose of communicating messages or changing their states of mind), freedom of religion (some illegal drugs are used for religious purposes), and that the severe punishments inflicted on some people convicted of drug crimes violate the Eighth Amendment. In each case, the challenges either failed or only succeeded in a very narrow range of circumstances that had little effect.

As Pozen emphasizes, both liberal and conservative jurists played a role in the defeat of constitutional challenges to the War on Drugs. Neither come off well in his book.

Like many other scholars, Pozen also highlights the role of racism in the growth of the War on Drugs (Ch. 3). Many prohibitionist policies historically targeted drugs associated with blacks and Hispanics. But he also rightly cautions against overestimating this factor. As he points out, the expansion of the War on Drugs from the 1960s to the late 1980s was actually supported by some key black political leaders and members of the black community, on the theory that stronger enforcement might help protect minorities from the perils of gangs and drug addiction. Prominent black members of Congress even initially backed the notorious “crack-cocaine” disparity (under which mostly black crack dealers and distributors were punished far more severely than mostly white purveyors of cocaine), because crack was seen as a menace to inner-city black communities. These circumstances—combined with the facially neutral nature of the drug laws themselves—made it difficult to challenge drug laws on the theory that they unconstitutionally discriminate based on race and ethnicity.

Pozen’s otherwise thorough account does unduly neglect one important aspect of the story: the fact that the most severe drug war penalties are usually reserved not for people guilty of mere use or possession of drugs, but for those who produce, sell, and distribute them. Since the New Deal era, left-liberal jurists—and even many conservatives—have been wary of strong judicial review of “economic” regulations. This was at the root of both the New Deal Commerce Clause revolution (breaking down federalism restrictions to congressional power) and the Supreme Court’s rejection of judicial protection for most economic liberties and property rights.

Seriously curbing the War on Drugs would have required courts to overcome this allergy to scrutinizing “economic” regulation. Progressives who (rightly) seek stronger judicial scrutiny of the War on Drugs will need to overcome at least some of their scruples regarding judicial review of economic transactions.

To be sure, judicial protection for some supposedly noneconomic personal liberties has led to invalidation of laws that restrict related commercial activity. For example, Griswold invalidated a law that restricted the sale and distribution of contraceptives. But, in general, even constitutional rights that get strong judicial protection in other respects often stop short when it comes to regulation of commercial transactions. For example, Lawrence v. Texas (2003) struck down laws banning same-sex sexual relations; but its respect for personal sexual autonomy stopped short of invalidating laws banning prostitution. Stanley v. Georgia (1969) protected the right to use and possess pornography in the home but did not strike down laws banning the sale and distribution of pornography.

As Pozen notes, there is a substantial originalist basis for much broader protection for bodily autonomy under the Due Process and Privileges or Immunities Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment. But a right to bodily autonomy broad enough to invalidate, or at least significantly curtail, laws banning the sale and distribution of currently illegal drugs would also lead to at least partial invalidation of much other paternalistic “economic” legislation. For example, current law bans organ markets, thereby restricting the autonomy of potential organ donors, and consigning thousands of people to a premature death, due to kidney shortages. Significantly curbing the War on Drugs by expanding judicial protection for the right to bodily autonomy would require breaking down the aversion to judicial review of “economic” issues.

I think it should be done! But, interestingly, Pozen himself seems ambivalent. In the book, he decries growing judicial protection for commercial advertising of legal drugs. Similarly, one of the few areas where there has been constitutional progress against the War on Drugs in recent years has been in the area of asset forfeitures, where the Supreme Court has begun to limit law enforcement power to seize property supposedly used in drug crimes. Rather than praising this development, Pozen derides it as “commodity fetishism” under which “[t]he owner’s property receives more protection than the owner himself.” (P. 112.)

This position is problematic. Asset forfeitures cause great harm to property owners—particularly poor and minority owners—allowing the government to seize cars and other valuable assets with little due process. The Court’s apparent willingness to significantly curb these practices—signaled in a recent decision issued after Pozen’s book went to press—should be applauded. And it makes sense for the Court to use the Eighth Amendment more aggressively in forfeiture cases. The Amendment specifically bans “excessive” fines, while other types of punishments are forbidden only if “cruel and unusual.”

Another issue Pozen likely should have addressed is the way the War on Drugs has weakened Fourth Amendment protection against “unreasonable” searches and seizures. It often seems as if there is one Fourth Amendment for drug cases, and another (less deferential one) for everything else.

Looking forward, Pozen is relatively pessimistic about future constitutional challenges to drug laws, though he still urges them to continue. He also advocates using constitutional arguments to attack drug prohibition in the court of public opinion and the legislative arena.

Pozen is somewhat overly pessimistic about the potential for federalism-based challenges. Three of the five conservative justices then on the Court dissented in Gonzales v. Raich, mentioned earlier. Justice Clarence Thomas, who wrote a forceful dissent in Raich, has more recently signaled interest in reversing that case. It’s possible there might now be a majority on the Court for doing so. The shifting ideological valence of constitutional federalism may lead one or more liberal justices to support that position, as well. One can potentially imagine a Supreme Court decision striking down laws banning possession and at least some types of in-state distribution of drugs. While that would not end the War on Drugs, by any means, it would give more liberal states greater room for experimentation.

Other types of constitutional challenges to drug laws have a more difficult path to success, if any. I am skeptical that free speech and freedom of religion challenges can ever lead to more than marginal progress, or that they deserve to do so. The same goes for Eighth Amendment arguments.

On the other hand, bodily autonomy theories grounded in originalist arguments might have more of a chance, albeit it will still be very difficult. The Supreme Court’s repudiation of abortion rights in Dobbs need not necessarily preclude such progress, as the Court repeatedly emphasized that abortion is a special case, given the argument that laws restricting it protect innocent life (that of the fetus). Drug
prohibition, by contrast, actually threatens the lives of innocents, as the carnage of the War on Drugs shows. However, any major progress would depend on judicial willingness to review at least some “economic” regulations more aggressively.

Historically, successful constitutional reform movements have relied on a combination of litigation and political action. That was true of the Civil Rights Movement, the feminist movement, advocates of same-sex marriage, and others. Opponents of the War on Drugs would do well to learn from this history, as well as that of past efforts to impose constitutional constraints on drug prohibition. Pozen’s book is an invaluable tool for understanding that history, and hopefully creating a better future.
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Cite as: Ilya Somin, The War on Drugs as a Constitutional Failure, JOTWELL (August 8, 2024) (reviewing David Pozen, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (2024)), https://conlaw.jotwell.com/the-war-on-drugs-as-a-constitutional-failure/.

https://conlaw.jotwell.com/the-war-on-drugs-as-a-constitutional-failure/
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