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21
Politics & Religion / FO
« Last post by Crafty_Dog on Today at 07:14:17 AM »

(1) BIDEN ANNOUNCES NEW CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE MEMO: The White House announced that President Biden signed a new National Security Memorandum on protecting U.S. critical infrastructure, which will replace the Obama-era Presidential Policy Directive 21.

According to the memo, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) will lead the whole-of-government effort to secure critical infrastructure, and the federal intelligence agencies will collect and share threat intelligence with critical infrastructure owners and operators.

Why It Matters: U.S. critical infrastructure and services remain vulnerable to cyberattacks and criminal hackers. Newly planned AI systems meant to enhance operational technology and security, create new vulnerabilities state-linked and criminal hackers can exploit.

Offensive cyber operations have a significant advantage over defensive operations, and U.S. Army Cyber Command has led the way with “persistent engagement” which is intended to keep adversaries on the defensive. However, officials now say state-linked hackers are using a similar “persistent engagement” doctrine against U.S. infrastructure. – R.C.
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Politics & Religion / Re: Elon Musk and China
« Last post by DougMacG on Today at 07:13:55 AM »
I would like to think Musk is one guy that won't be taken by the Chinese.  But how can that be?  Haven't they already stolen his technology?  How did their EV manufacturing get going so quickly?

Also isn't he at high risk of getting caught up in a trade war?

Every time we doubt him we end up wrong.  Still I'm skeptical.
23
Science, Culture, & Humanities / Big Brother, Kill Switch
« Last post by DougMacG on Today at 07:06:36 AM »
https://frontline.news/post/kill-switch-to-be-mandated-in-cars-by-2026-with-software-deciding-if-you-re-too-impaired-to-drive

If you're too impaired to drive ... also if you're too conservative to drive or going somewhere not approved by the regime.

How many programs start small and innocent and then become monstrous?  All of them, always.
24
Politics & Religion / Elon Musk and China
« Last post by Crafty_Dog on Today at 05:41:26 AM »


Why Musk Now Needs China More Than It Needs Him
Beijing seeks to score political points as it hands Tesla a victory
By Selina Cheng and Raffaele Huang
WSJ
April 30, 2024 8:31 am ET



Tesla’s plan to launch its advanced driver-assistance service in China was tentatively approved after Elon Musk met with top officials, a crucial victory in its second-biggest market. Photo: Tingshu Wang/Reuters

HONG KONG—Elon Musk’s whistle-stop trip to Beijing for an audience with China’s Premier Li Qiang highlighted how the power dynamic is shifting between Tesla TSLA -5.55%decrease; red down pointing triangle and the Chinese government.

Tesla’s chief executive left the country with assurances that the carmaker will be able to roll out its driver-assistance technology. The software underpins Musk’s hopes for rekindling Tesla’s growth in the world’s biggest electric-vehicle market, where it is being outmaneuvered by homegrown rivals.

China, meanwhile, used his trip to promote its message that it is open to American businesses, despite rising tensions with the U.S. State media quoted Musk giving a stamp of approval to China’s EV market, saying his comments dispelled U.S. concerns about overcapacity. Beijing also sought to show that foreign firms can thrive under its tight regulatory controls over data.

Musk emerged with a win, analysts said, but the meetings underscored that while China remains crucial to Tesla, Beijing now needs Tesla less to spice up its EV and autonomous-driving industry. Tesla has seen China sales fall as its rivals there flood the market with hundreds of new models, contributing to the American carmaker’s first year-over-year quarterly car sales decline since 2020 and a sharp profit drop.

“China needed Tesla to open the EV market, I’m not sure China needs Tesla to open the market for autonomous vehicles,” said Bill Russo, a Shanghai-based consultant for Automobility. Some Chinese companies are already capable of sophisticated driving technology on their own, he said.

Chinese officials feted Musk when he went to China in the early years of the relationship. They offered land, low-interest loans and tax incentives for Tesla to build a factory in Shanghai and its approval boosted consumers’ perception of Tesla in the world’s biggest auto market. Then Premier Li Keqiang even took a Tesla for a spin within the gated Zhongnanhai leadership compound in 2019.

The deal worked out well for both sides. Tesla helped ignite China’s EV industry, which is now the envy of the world. Shanghai became Tesla’s most productive and cost-efficient factory, enabling it to lower the prices of its cars. Sales of Tesla’s made-in-China Model 3 and Model Y soared, making the country its second-biggest market, as well as an export hub.

But Chinese carmakers inspired by Tesla have become fierce rivals, gobbling up its market share there and increasingly challenging it overseas. Expectations among many analysts that Tesla would expand its Shanghai factory to manufacture a more affordable EV have dimmed. Instead, a plot of land adjacent to its initial plant is being used by Tesla to produce its energy-storage Megapacks.

Workers at the car factory say operating hours were cut to five days a week from seven in March as it wasn’t running at full capacity.


Tesla is facing stiff competition from homegrown rivals in China. PHOTO: QILAI SHEN/BLOOMBERG NEWS
When talking about plans for Tesla’s “Full Self-Driving,” or FSD, features during a call to discuss the company’s dismal earnings last week, Musk said Tesla would release the service “in any market that—where we can get regulatory approval for that, which we think includes China.”

Days later, he flew to Beijing to seek Chinese leaders’ blessing. During his less-than-24-hour visit, Chinese regulators also gave Tesla’s cars clearance for data that they collect on the road, potentially paving the way for the government to loosen bans on the vehicles going to sensitive sites such as military complexes and some government buildings.

Musk also agreed to a deal with China’s Baidu for its FSD rollout, reassuring Chinese leaders over the security risks of Chinese user data.

“Pushing forward Tesla’s FSD in China is of strategic value to Beijing, which aspires to build itself as a global data leader,” said Feng Chucheng, founding partner at Hutong Research. “This will be much desired for Beijing to prove that its data regulatory regime is gaining traction.”
25
Politics & Religion / GPF: Venezuela's Elections
« Last post by Crafty_Dog on Today at 05:38:23 AM »

May 1, 2024
View On Website
Open as PDF

Don’t Expect Too Much From Venezuela’s Elections
The slow transition continues.
By: Allison Fedirka

The Venezuelan opposition has unexpectedly united around a single candidate: Edmundo Gonzalez. And though this is good news for a movement that has long been hindered by its inability to set aside its differences, much remains in the way of true regime change, which should still be seen as a long-term goal rather than a plausible outcome of the July 28 elections.

It’s fair to say that in the past Venezuela’s opposition has stood in the way of its own success. Ideological disagreements aside, personality-based divisions have prevented the opposition from presenting a unified front, leading to declining resources, manpower and electoral weight. In fact, the opposition boycotted elections from 2018 to 2021 on the grounds that they were unfair, and as a result, the ruling government ran uncontested, keeping a strong hold on elected posts. The movement returned to elections in 2021, but President Nicolas Maduro has since declared it illegal for the leading candidate, Maria Corina Machado, to be on the ballot this year, reviving concerns that the opposition would fall into its old habits and leave itself no better off than it was before.

But it seems as though the opposition has learned its lesson and is eager to see more success at the July 28 polls. Despite being the most popular opposition candidate, Machado stepped out of the race and threw her support behind Gonzalez, a candidate that could actually make it onto the ballot. Other influential opposition figures such as Henrique Capriles and Juan Guaido also back Gonzalez. As of today, the Maduro government and election observers recognize Gonzalez’s candidacy. This effectively challenges the Maduro government to honor its commitment to free and fair elections.

It does not guarantee electoral success. Despite Venezuela’s many economic challenges, the government remains in control and has managed to keep the opposition at bay through political imprisonment, intimidation and media influence. It’s highly motivated to win since losing would result in exile or prison for many prominent officials. Maduro himself relies heavily on a network of power brokers, each contributing to the economy’s – and thus the regime’s – well-being. While the different factions of the government don’t always agree (particularly when it comes to the legacy of former President Hugo Chavez), their shared interests are strong enough to force cooperation. Arguments for a negotiated transition that protects Maduro and his cronies have been made, but they don’t see them as viable because the opposition is unable to guarantee that it will make good on its promises.

Importantly, some segments of the Venezuelan public do not wish to see regime change. The government clearly has not solved the root causes of the country’s economic problems, but it has successfully navigated around them and found temporary solutions. The government is still an important employer, even if wages remain depressed. (Many employees have to find side jobs, and Caracas has embraced that need through the creation of VenApp, a platform that connects potential gig workers with government service and repair work.) With the help of foreign private firms and the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, Venezuela has managed to improve food self-sufficiency enough to ease its dependence on imports. Caracas has also learned from other countries under U.S. sanctions to keep daily life livable. The traditional grocery stores in major cities, for example, now face competition from Iranian shops that offer low prices for comparable goods due to wholesale prices and different product origins. Anecdotal reports even suggest the same grocery list can be purchased at Iranian markets for less than half the price at traditional supermarkets. None of these measures permanently fix the Venezuelan economy, but they might be enough for those who stand to lose a lot from an unknown economic future brought about by regime change.

The opposition’s failure to recognize these realities causes it to underestimate the strength of the forces it competes against. Gonzalez, among others, clearly stated that the opposition’s main objective is to restore democratic institutions, values and practices in the country. Its ability to do so is predicated on three elements: free and fair elections, the assumption of electoral victory and an orderly transition with no retaliation. Historically, the regime has guaranteed none of these conditions. Even so, the opposition remains committed to these ideals, putting it on an unlevel playing field against a government that has more resources but fewer reservations about how they are used.

Moreover, the Maduro regime’s ability to manipulate the electoral system should not be ignored. The decision to declare Machado ineligible for the 2024 ballot marks only the most recent instance of electoral malfeasance. A few years ago, when the opposition won a supermajority in the National Assembly, the government, threatened by the fact that their enemies now had the ability to rewrite the constitution and impeach officials, simply created a new, parallel legislature composed of regime loyalists. (This legislature remains in place today.) The government can thus be expected to try to shape the election’s outcome to its liking. In fact, rumors have already emerged that Caracas plans to run a Chavista candidate in an effort to split the opposition vote.

Hovering over the elections is the United States. Washington’s behavior toward Venezuela suggests it sees regime change as a long-term goal, not one that will be achieved this summer. It lifted sanctions on Venezuela under the condition that the government honors the Barbados Agreement, which calls for free and fair elections. The omission of Machado from the ballot put Maduro’s compliance with these agreements in question. The U.S. responded by first reimposing sanctions on Venezuelan gold operations. After a few months, when it became clear the government was not going to change its ways, Washington adjusted its approach to oil sanctions, reflecting a desire to balance regime change with U.S. interests. In April, for example, Washington announced the planned revocation of Special License 44, which allowed U.S. companies to invest in and export Venezuelan oil. By May 31, the U.S. will go back to how it conducted oil business with Venezuela. There will be full sanctions in place against doing business with Venezuelan oil operations, but companies can apply (and often receive) special waivers to engage. This will inevitably reduce the revenue available to the Maduro regime, but importantly the waivers allow the U.S. to keep its foot in the door. Washington needs to ensure economic access to Venezuela down the line and cannot take itself out of the market entirely, especially now that European and Russian companies and others are looking for a way in. The U.S. is more than willing to wait for regime change rather than push for something immediately, especially if doing so reduces the chance of revolution or a civil war that would jeopardize its interests.

Venezuela’s elections in July need to be viewed as part of the broader transition process, not a watershed moment in their own right. The fact that the Maduro regime and the U.S. are talking, that Caracas signed the Barbados Agreement, and that the opposition is getting its act together all prove that a transition is underway. But they also reveal the constraints to regime change, which, barring an unforeseen event, will come slowly.
27
This interesting tweet on the Yen and BTC. Please read it carefully. There is no out, just one of two bad outcomes for Japan and soon for the USA.

https://twitter.com/stackhodler/status/1785592330377896205
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Politics & Religion / Re: Sex (as in Male and Female) Gender, Gay, Lesbian
« Last post by ccp on April 30, 2024, 02:54:49 PM »
" Rishi Sunak is starting to show signs of positive leadership."

smarter than many college presidents, at least one Supreme Court Justice, the US President, Head of HHS
and too many more on the crat side.
29
Politics & Religion / Re: Russia/US-- Europe
« Last post by Crafty_Dog on April 30, 2024, 02:30:35 PM »


https://www.wsj.com/world/europe/nato-russia-spending-membership-eab4a10a?mod=hp_lead_pos9

Maps and graphics too
==================

NATO Prepares to Face Russia—and Problems of Its Own
By Daniel MichaelsFollow
April 30, 2024 12:01 am ET


ADAZI MILITARY BASE, Latvia—NATO troops from 14 nations amassed last month in a wooded area here to take part in the alliance’s biggest military exercise since the Cold War. Once again, the focus was Russia.

The drill began in the early morning darkness with a warning: Enemy forces had crossed Latvia’s border with Russia and were closing on the capital. Communicating in various languages over different kinds of radios, the troops raced to push the mock invaders toward wetlands that would bog down their tanks.

“What’s most important is to demonstrate readiness to act quickly and deploy to defend Latvian and NATO borders,” said Latvian Army Col. Oskars Kudlis, who was commanding a brigade of heavy armored vehicles from a position in the forest. The response required troops from as far away as Canada and Albania to work out kinks in communications, absorb one another’s battlefield practices and coordinate disparate weapons systems.

Ever since Moscow seized the Crimean Peninsula from Ukraine in 2014, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has had its eye on Europe’s border with Russia. This year’s exercise, called Steadfast Defender 2024, aims to send a message to Moscow: The alliance stands ready to defend its members—especially those near Russia’s border, including Latvia.

After the Cold War, differences in language, communications systems and weaponry within NATO mattered little because its troops rarely fought shoulder-to-shoulder. Instead, many rotated through short-term deployments in Afghanistan, Iraq and elsewhere, planned long in advance. Equipment needs were clear and each ally handled its own provisioning.

Now, preparing for coalition warfare is once again NATO’s priority, and troops have to know how to work together on the battlefield. “The integration of all the countries is a challenge,” said Canadian Army Lt. Col. Jonathan Cox, who helped lead Exercise Crystal Arrow, the Latvian portion of the NATO maneuvers, which include air, land and sea drills across the alliance.

NATO, which marked its 75th anniversary on April 4, is getting stronger in some ways. Finland and Sweden have joined after decades of shunning membership. NATO’s European members are spending more on defense than they have since the Cold War. This year, for the first time in decades, the European members, on an aggregate basis, will meet their financial commitment to the alliance, NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said recently.

But the alliance is plagued by other disputes. Leaders disagree on whether Ukraine and other aspiring members should be allowed to join. The contest to succeed Stoltenberg later this year has sparked acrimony between longtime members and newer ones from the former Eastern bloc.

And many NATO countries, including six of its 12 founding members, remain far from hitting the military budgeting levels they pledged to achieve a decade ago. That low spending has made them the target of attacks from Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump, sparking doubts about the alliance’s future if he wins in November.


Throughout history, many military alliances—including those that defeated Napoleon and won World War II—involved allied armies operating separately under common command. NATO’s objective is to prepare allies to fight side-by-side.

This year’s exercises, the largest since 1988, are being staged over four months through May, at locations stretching from the Arctic Circle to the Black Sea. They involve roughly 90,000 troops, 1,100 combat vehicles, 80 aircraft and 50 naval vessels.

The operation in Latvia was one of several staged near Europe’s border with Russia. In 2016, after Moscow had seized the Crimean Peninsula and helped foment rebellion in Ukraine’s east, NATO members agreed to rotate troops constantly through its vulnerable eastern members, specifying which member nation would take the lead in defending each country.

The U.S. took the lead in Poland, Germany did so with Lithuania, the U.K. with Estonia and Canada with Latvia. After Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, NATO beefed up its forces in those countries and added partnerships in Slovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria.

Border force
The defense of each NATO state along the alliance's eastern border is led by one member nation, with others supporting it.

Host countries

Other NATO members

FINLAND

NORWAY

Lead nation: United Kingdom

SWEDEN

Supporting nations: France, Iceland

ESTONIA

RUSSIA

Canada

LATVIA

Albania, Czech Republic, Iceland,

Italy, Montenegro, North Macedonia,

Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain

Germany

LITHUANIA

Belgium, Czech Republic, Luxembourg,

Netherlands, Norway, U.S.

Baltic Sea

BELARUS

U.S.

Croatia, Romania,

United Kingdom

POLAND

UKRAINE

GERMANY

CZECH REP.

Czech Republic

SLOVAKIA

MOL.

Germany, Slovenia

AUSTRIA

France

HUNGARY

Hungary

Belgium, Luxembourg,

North Macedonia,

Poland, Portugal, U.S.

ROMANIA

Croatia, Italy, Turkey, U.S.

CROATIA

ITALY

SERBIA

Black Sea

Italy

BULGARIA

Albania, Greece, Montenegro,

North Macedonia, Turkey, U.S.

TURKEY

GREECE

Source: NATO
The partnerships have interwoven allies more closely than at any time since the Cold War, when the U.S., Britain and France kept troops permanently stationed in West Germany.

The Latvian exercise, staged near the capital, Riga, was one of NATO’s most international this year. Eleven member nations that already had troops deployed in Latvia, including Canada, were joined by forces from the U.S., Iceland, and Latvia’s neighbor, Estonia.

Canadian forces stationed in Latvia constitute Ottawa’s largest current overseas troop deployment. For many of those Canadians, defending against Russia is personal because they previously were stationed at a base in western Ukraine, training local forces in the years before Russia’s 2022 invasion. Two years ago, Moscow hit that base with missiles, destroying the barracks where Canadians had lived.


Canadian Army Lt. Col. Dan Richel, deputy commander of the Latvian operation led by Col. Kudlis, was posted with his family from Quebec to Latvia last August to help expand Canada’s presence. Most of his colleagues in the local headquarters are Latvian. He has started to learn the language, though most routine business is conducted in English, he said.


Latvian Army Col. Oskars Kudlis commended a brigade of heavy armored vehicles. PHOTO: DANIEL MICHAELS/THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
NATO countries agreed in 2014 that by this year each would spend at least 2% of gross domestic product on defense.

Latvia, which was invaded by the Soviet Union in 1940 and didn’t win independence until 1991, will spend 2.4% of its GDP on defense this year, part of a plan to hit 3% in 2027. Canada allocates about 1.3% of its GDP to its military and has no plan to hit 2%.

NATO’s Stoltenberg and U.S. NATO Ambassador Julianne Smith chastised Canada this year for being among the only alliance countries not seeking to achieve the agreed target.


If Canada fails to meet its commitments, “how does that reflect on the coherence of the alliance?” said retired Vice Admiral Mark Norman, a former head of Canada’s navy who recently visited NATO headquarters in Brussels. Canada would probably increase defense spending only under duress “because the threat perception is just not there,” Norman said of the prevailing opinion inside Canada.

One of the alliance’s most fundamental divisions is a disparity in how member countries view threats. NATO lists terrorism and Russia as its main threats. Many officials in Turkey and other member nations along the Mediterranean Sea are more worried about regional conflicts, illegal migration and terrorism than about Russia.

Almost one-third of Latvia’s population of about 1.9 million people is Russian, a legacy of Soviet times. Tensions are high inside the country and along its borders with Russia and Belarus, an authoritarian state under Moscow’s sway.


Troops from 14 nations took part in Crystal Arrow. PHOTO: SGT. ERIKS KUKUTIS/LATVIAN ARMY
NATO planners consider an outright Russian invasion of a neighboring member country unlikely in the near future, though recently some military officials in NATO countries said Moscow could be strong enough to attack in a few years. Over the shorter term, they worry that Moscow might spark conflict in nearby countries by agitating local Russians and using tensions as pretext to intercede, as the Kremlin did in eastern Ukraine a decade ago.

Latvia joined NATO in 2004, 13 years after it gained independence from the Soviet Union. Since then, the alliance’s requirements and standards have compelled Latvia’s armed forces to modernize. Western military vehicles have replaced old Soviet models.

During the Crystal Arrow exercise, a battalion led by Latvian Army Lieut. Col. Gaidis Landratovs operated alongside U.S. troops. They played forces invading from the fictional nation of Occacus, identified with red Xs on their equipment. NATO avoids using names of real adversaries in training.

Canadian Lt. Col. Cox, temporarily stationed in Latvia to oversee NATO’s international battle group there, was commander of the defending forces, which included troops from 11 nations. When the mock invasion began, his forces moved and took defensive positions, awaiting word on their attackers.

Soldiers speaking different languages struggled to communicate. English and French are NATO’s official languages, but fluency varies.

Another problem, said Cox, was “radios that sometimes work together and most of the time don’t. But there’s always comms problems, no matter what happens.”


Operations succeed because of simple plans and integration, he said. “Every country has their own way of doing it, but the intent and the effect was the same across the battle group,” he said.

Uniformity has long been a challenge for NATO. In Crystal Arrow, allies deployed Canadian LAV-6 armored vehicles, American, German and Polish tanks, and Latvia’s British-made CVR-T reconnaissance vehicles. Each requires different spare parts and maintenance.

Standardizing big gear is daunting because producing it is a lucrative business that few countries want to surrender. The U.S. has about three-dozen main military systems such as planes, ships and tanks. In Europe, where most countries protect their national arms producers and often compete for export orders, alliance members use 172 models, according to NATO’s most senior military official, Dutch Admiral Rob Bauer.


Smaller equipment can be problematic, too. Planners have struggled for years to ensure that secure field radios from various countries are compatible, a challenge deepened by the need for digital encryption and measures to counter electronic warfare.

After the Cold War, such technical differences mattered little because NATO troops from different countries rarely fought alongside one another. Now, they need to be able to share equipment and know that one army’s cannons can fire another’s shells.

Alliance planners have set equipment norms and worked to ensure that gear operates interchangeably. But even for one of NATO’s most basic standards, 155-millimeter artillery shells, members produce 14 different models, Bauer said. Some shells can’t go into other launchers, while some may fit but not link to targeting software.

Many of the nearly 200 different weapons systems provided to Ukraine have come from NATO nations. The hodgepodge has created a maintenance nightmare for Ukraine, which has had to scrounged to obtain spare parts for many.

U.S. Army Capt. Malcolm Edgar, who commands Abrams tanks and Bradley Fighting Vehicles in Lithuania, said finding ways around differences is one benefit of multicountry exercises like Crystal Arrow.

“We’re not just saying we can do this together,” but showing it’s possible, said Edgar. “It’s all about getting the sets and reps in.”


This year’s NATO exercises, including the one in Latvia, involve roughly 90,000 troops, 1,100 combat vehicles, 80 aircraft and 50 naval vessels. PHOTO: SGT. GATIS INDREVICS/LATVIAN ARMY
Write to Daniel Michaels at Dan.Michaels@wsj.com
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