Four Policemen from Morelos Wanted For Kidnapping Two Businessmen
Leaks From the National Guard Database Expose Gulf Cartel Kingpins
Links Between Sinaloans and Mafia Group ‘Ndrangheta Are Uncovered In Italian Investigation Involving Two Detainees
Municipal Police Officer Arrested Was the Leader of La Empresa in Chihuahua City
The Mexican Women Who Kicked out the Cartels
The Private Empire of Tamaulipas Governor Garcia Cabeza de Vaca
Body count from drug cartel wars earns Mexican cities label of ‘most violent in the world’
Closing Prisons Only Postpones Real Issues in Mexico
Topic # 1: Four Policemen from Morelos Wanted For Kidnapping Two Businessmen
Source:
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2021/04/four-policemen-from-morelos-wanted-for.html Synopsis:
The Anticorruption Prosecutor's Office in Morelos disclosed the faces of four ex-police officers and offered a reward of almost MXN$25,000 to anyone that provides information that leads to their arrest. These police officers are wanted for kidnapping two businessmen in eastern Morelos. The former police officers have been considered fugitives since last January after one of their colleagues was arrested for the same crime and confessed their participation in the kidnapping. Their full names are José Mario Gómez Guillén, Gabriel Iván Fuentes Galicia, Carlos Ricardo Cabello Hernández, and Isaías Pérez Martínez. The victims are Román Martínez García (aged 39) and his stepson Luis Fernando Ogazón Ariza (aged 23), who were reported as missing since last January 16, after they were detained by the officers in Yautepec municipality. These two people were owners of a gas station. His family and friends reported their kidnapping to the police. After failing to get a response, they organized their own search and protests to bring attention to the case. The investigations revealed that two of the four police fugitives are members of the state police assigned to the municipality of Yautepec; all four abandoned their weapons and cargo vehicles to flee without a trace. Based on these investigations, elements of the Criminal Investigation Agency detained Jesús Fernando Soriano Ramírez a Yautepec police force, for his alleged participation in the kidnapping. He has been collaborating with investigators to find the other four officers involved.
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Topic # 2: Leaks From the National Guard Database Expose Gulf Cartel Kingpins
Source:
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2021/04/leaks-from-national-guard-database.html Map of the state of Tamaulipas above; Four drug kingpins from the Gulf Cartel were exposed over the Internet earlier this week when someone within the National Guard leaked their information. Below is the breakdown of each of these figures
The Story:
Citizen journalists in Tamaulipas published several leaks from a National Guard (GN) database that include sensitive information about multiple fugitive Gulf Cartel kingpins. The information released includes pictures, full names, addresses, family trees, DOBs and POBs, work and/or criminal history, and other general information about them. Some of these criminals are only wanted by federal authorities while others are fugitives at both state and federal level. To comply with our privacy guidelines, Borderland Beat omitted the exact addresses of these suspected drug kingpins. We removed the streets and house numbers but kept the city and state. We have also removed the names of the suspects' children as many of them are minors.
Cesar Morfin Morfin, alias "El Primito"
This first display shows the information about El Primito, the Gulf Cartel plaza boss in La Frontera Chica (also known as La Ribereña), a border region along Tamaulipas. The municipalities of Guerrero, Mier, Miguel Aleman, Camargo and Diaz Ordaz make up La Frontera Chica. According to the data presented, El Primito was born in 1987 in Colima, Colima, Mexico, and does not have previous criminal history. The GN confirms that El Primito has up to 10 known addresses under his name.
Location of properties
Reynosa, Tamaulipas
Colima, Colima
Villa de Alvarez, Colima
El Palomar, Jalisco
Mexico City
Puerto Vallarta, Jalisco
Pihuamo, Jalisco
Pihuamo, Jalisco (different address)
Pihuamo, Jalisco (different address)
Pihuamo, Jalisco (different address)
Family members
Father - Remigio Morfin Moreno
Mother - Maria De Jesus Morfin Galvan
Wife - Alma Rosa Magaña De La Mora
Brother - Alvaro Noe Morfin Morfin (1978)
Brother - Alejandro Morfin Morfin (1981)
Sister - Blanca Trinidad Morfin Morfin (1984)
Brother - Remigio Morfin Morfin (1991)
Carlos Humerto Acuña de los Santos, alias "Comandante Mono", "M-36", and "Metro 36"
This second display shows the information of El Mono, the Gulf Cartel plaza boss in Reynosa, Tamaulipas, the bastion of Los Metros faction. He is the successor of both Juan Manuel Loza Salinas ("El Toro") and Petronilo Moreno Flores ("Panilo"), who were killed and arrested in 2017 and 2018, respectively. GN information shows that El Mono is close to El Primito. According to the data presented, El Mono was born in 1989 in Llera, Tamaulipas, and does not have previous criminal history. One of the observation notes in the display says that El Mono was in the Mexican Army from 1 August 2007 to 19 May 2014. He was stationed in Ciudad Victoria, the state capital of Tamaulipas, as an infantry soldier.
Location of properties
Llera, Tamaulipas
Ciudad Victoria, Tamaulipas
Family members
Fathers - Humberto Heisy Acuña Cantu
Mother - Maria Epifanias de los Santos
Spouse - Ana Keren Vargas Sanchez
Former Partner - Cindy Natali Cedillo Sanchez
Hector de Leon Fonseca, alias "Mario Gonzalez Martinez", "R3", "Teto", and/or "Chenco"
This third display shows the information of R-3, the Gulf Cartel plaza boss in the Tampico metropolitan area. This conurbation includes the municipalities of Tampico, Altamira, Ciudad Madero, Pueblo Viejo, and Pánuco. As reported by Borderland Beat, R-3 worked closely with Silvestre Haro Rodríguez, alias "R-1" and/or "El Chive", and his brother Marco Antonio Haro Rodriguez, alias "R-2" and/or "Toñin". The Tampico faction reportedly has an alliance with the one in Matamoros. The information revealed shows that R-3 was born in 1977 in Reynosa, Tamaulipas.
Location of properties
Reynosa, Tamaulipas
Family members
Father - Jose Humberto de Leon Hernandez
Mother - Guadalupe Fonseca
Brother - Jesus de Leon Fonseca
Sister - Gabriela Nohemi de Leon Fonseca
Spouse - Erika Daniela Murillo Dominguez
R-3's directs and plaza structure
Odilon Hernandez Valdivia, alias "Tango Uno" and/or "Tango
This fourth display shows Tango Uno, the Gulf Cartel plaza boss in Ciudad Victoria, the state capital of Tamaulipas. The leaked information reveals that Tango Uno was a Supervisor in the Reynosa Transit Police from 2005 to 2007, when Governor of Tamaulipas Francisco Javier Cabeza de Vaca was mayor. Data shows that Tango Uno was born in 1979 in Tamaulipas (the exact municipality was not provided).
Location of properties
Matamoros Tamaulipas
Family members
N/A - None listed
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Topic # 3: Links Between Sinaloans and Mafia Group ‘Ndrangheta Are Uncovered In Italian Investigation Involving Two Detainees
Source:
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2021/04/links-between-sinaloans-and-mafia-group.html Photo # 1: The two Guatelamans in Italian custody worked for fugitive Sinaloa Cartel trafficker Jose Angel Rivera Zazueta, alias El Flaco. He is one of the Sinaloa Cartel's main operators in Europe
Photo # 2: El Flaco arrived in Italy in 2019. Reports say he lives in Asia and may be related to one of the nephews of legendary drug kingpin Amado Carrillo Fuentes
Photo # 3: Daniel “Tito” Esteban Ortega Ubeda and Felix Ruben Villagran Lopez in Verona, where they traveled from southern Italy for a cocaine deal.
Synopsis:
Two Guatemalans imprisoned in Italy for smuggling drugs for the Sinaloa Cartel are scheduled for trial on May 18, 2021. They are accused of trafficking 385 kg (848 lbs) of cocaine into Italy. The two defendants are Daniel Esteban Ortega Úbeda, alias Tito, and Félix Rubén Villagrán López. They will face trial for drug trafficking at a tribunal court in Catania. Italian prosecutors were initially looking to have both of them sentenced to 21 years, but since both defendents agreed to a summary judgement (i.e. partial trial), the sentence recommendation was reduced to 14 years: eight for organized crime involvement and six for drug trafficking. Defense attorney Ofelia Liñán Aguilera, flanked by her Italian colleague Luigi Tozzi, has asked for the acquittal for her clients, believing that during the investigation that led to their arest, police officers 'induced' the commission of the crime.
They stressed that at some point during the investigation, the defendants thought of backing down from the drug deal the police were setting up to catch them. They said that the undercover agents encouraged them to do a crime and that this diminishes their culpability. "The agents were fully involved in this drug deal that they are partially responsible for it as well," the lawyer explained by phone. Liñan-Aguilera, who is based in Sevilla, Spain, but was hired by the defendants for this case, said that she is optimistic about the court's resolution. The court will have to determine in the next few days if the two defendants are allowed to be moved to house arrest. A third defendant, currently on the run, is Mexican national José Ángel Rivera Zazueta, alias El Flaco, a close operator of Sinaloa Cartel leader Ismael 'El Mayo Zambada. Liñan-Aguilera said that she will push for a summary judgement trial for him as well should he be arrested.
Investigation
The trial is part of an investigation that tried to uncover an initiative of the Sinaloa Cartel to introduce drugs into Europe through new routes such as the Catania Fontanarossa Airport. Investigators say that the Sinaloa Cartel is working with the Calabrian mafia group 'Ndrangheta. El Flaco is believed to be in charge of directing the Catania cell of the Sinaloa Cartel and of receiving cocaine from countries such as Colombia. The Guatemalans Ortega and Villagrán were arrested in Verona in January 2020, where they flew from Cartagena, Colombia, to close a drug deal. Behind the facade of a soap import and export business, El Flaco controlled fentanyl production laboratories in China, Vietnam and Taiwan, which have been on the radar of the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) for four years. A native of Sinaloa state, El Flaco relied on four trusted men: Salvador Ascencio Chávez —of Mexican origin, convicted on two occasions for trafficking hundreds of kilos of cocaine to Canada— and three Guatemalan citizens settled in Europe: Luis Fernando Morales Hernández, alias 'El Suegro', and the two Guatemalans in question. Once in European territory, the drugs are handed over to the ‘Ndrangheta, an Italian mafia group that dominates the cocaine trade in Europe. This group is based Calabria, one of the poorest regions of Italy. The OCCRP revealed details of the intentions of the Sinaloa Cartel to establish itself in the European market. They said that the 385 kilograms were a test that would be followed by more tons. According to court documents, the investigation is code-named Operation Halcon. It was established with the help of an informant, who was involved in the shipment of the cargo. This subject alerted the authorities and provided access to meetings with El Flaco.
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Topic # 4: Municipal Police Officer Arrested Was the Leader of La Empresa in Chihuahua City
Source:
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2021/04/municipal-police-officer-arrested-was.html Photo # 1: Mauro Mendoza Bailón ("El Mendoza") is currently facing trial for murder
Photo # 2: René Gerardo Garza Santana ("El 300") is the founder of La Empresa, one of the deadliest gangs in Chihuahua. His trial for a triple murder is currently underway
The Story:
Mauro Mendoza Bailon ("El Mendoza"), a municipal police officer in Chihuahua, Chihuahua, was the local leader of a criminal group known as La Empresa. One of his main duties as gang leader was to maintain control of the crystal meth distribution and sales in Chihuahua. Most of the drug sale spots were located in the southern part of the city. El Mendoza ordered his triggermen to kill rivals who tried to sell drugs in his turf. According to evidence presented by the State Prosecuto's Office (FGE), El Mendoza is believed to be behind the kidnapping and murder of Luis Carlos Arroyo Lerma (“El Golo”), an Uber driver who also distributed drugs without his approval. El Golo was kidnapped on 20 July 2020 and found dead hours later. El Mendoza had several drug dealers and triggermen on his watch. His closest associates were a lady simply known as Blanca O. and a man known as Jorge Alberto M. H. ("El Cabe"). They were responsible for selling methamphetamine in Cerro de la Cruz neighborhood in southern Chihuahua city. The FGE confirmed that El Mendoza was arrested on 15 April 2021 following an extensive investigation involving a network of corrupt police officers. The investigation shows that more than a dozen officers from different police corporations in Chihuahua city work for La Empresa or other rival gangs, to whom they provide protection, sell drugs for, capture or kill opponents, and collect drug proceeds.
ANALYSIS BY BORDERLAND BEAT:
La Empresa emerged in June 2018 after gang member Rene Gerardo Garza Santana ("El 300") had a disconnect with several leaders of La Linea and Los Aztecas, two groups once allied to the old Juarez Cartel. Cartel bosses Eduardo Ravelo ("El Tablas") and Juan Arturo Padilla Juarez ("El Genio") considered that El 300 was getting out of line and trying to take over more street drug spots in Ciudad Juarez. When confronted, El 300 and his close associate Luis Gerardo Mendez Estevane ("El Tio") deserted and formed La Empresa. As violence rose in Ciudad Juarez, law enforcement efforts against La Empresa, La Linea, and Los Aztecas increased. Ravelo was arrested in June, and El Genio was killed two months later. El 300 was arrested in November 2018, but he continued running La Empresa while imprisoned at the Ciudad Juarez federal penitentiary. He then formed an alliance with Los Mexicles, once allied to the Sinaloa Cartel, and gained support of their leaders Jesús Eduardo Soto Rodríguez ("El Lalo") and Luis Elías Cardoza Santiago.
In Chihuahua city, the cartel dynamics have a slightly different twist. In early 2021, a Ciudad Juarez newspaper reported that much of the violence in this city was driven by a gangland dispute between Gente Nueva on one front and La Empresa and Los Aztecas on the other. Gente Nueva gets support and reinforcements from Parral, a municipality close to the border with the state of Durango. There is also information that Gente Nueva works with a faction known as Los Salguieros. La Empresa is currently headed by Omar Alejandro Garza Santana or Omar Alejandro Chávez Santana ('El Nomo', The Gnome), and two individuals simply known by their aliases 'El Saavedra'/'El Menos' and 'La Guera'.
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Topic # 5: The Mexican Women Who Kicked out the Cartels
Source:
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2021/04/the-mexican-women-who-kicked-out-cartels.html Synopsis:
Adelaida Sánchez is a member of the community police force in Cherán, a Purépecha indigenous town in Michoacán, Mexico, which declared itself autonomous in 2011. When the town was under siege from illegal logging, cartel criminals, and corrupt authorities and the men of the town stood by and did nothing, it was left to women to lead the fightback. On the tenth anniversary of the uprising, Adelaida patrols the town and its forests, providing an oasis amidst the murder, kidnap and extortion across the state.
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Topic # 6: The Private Empire of Tamaulipas Governor Garcia Cabeza de Vaca
Source:
http://www.borderlandbeat.com/2021/04/part-i-private-empire-of-tamaulipas.html Photo # 1: Francisco Javier Cabeza de Vaca, current Governor of Tamaulipas
Photo # 2: Simplified overview of the Cabeza de Vaca clan
Photo # 3: Cabeza de Vaca's mugshot following his arrest in McAllen, Texas
Photo # 4: Simplified overview of the Gomez Reséndez clan
Photo # 5: Manuel Gómez García, cousin of Francisco Javier´s wife Mariana when he was president of the CANACAR
Photo # 6: Gustavo Cárdenas Gutiérrez, political godfather of Francisco Javier García Cabeza de Vaca
Photo # 7: Overview of the Gomez Resendez / Cabeza de Vaca initial political contacts
The Story:
During the last months we have been witnessing the development of an interesting story: current Tamaulipas Governor Francisco Javier Garcia Cabeza de Vaca is facing multiple criminal charges. Following years of news, rumors, and accusations against Cabeza de Vaca himself and most of his family members, during the first months of 2021 the official debate and public opinion finally placed the Governor in the middle of the bullseye. The old rumors evolved into formal and public denouncements that have revealed what was always known: Tamaulipas, as many other Mexican States, has been the private fiefdom of a predatory elite composed by corrupted politicians and public officials that have abused public and private resources allocation for their own profit, earning hundreds of millions of dollars while their State fell into violent anarchy and widespread corruption.
Although Cabeza de Vaca has not been declared guilty yet, we can infer that he will face the same ending as other former politicians such as Tomás Yarrington, Eugenio Hernández Flores, Humberto Moreira, César Duarte, Roberto Sandoval, or Javier Duarte. Today, Cabeza de Vaca is still in power and can use his political position as a cover. He has allies, from his own party and in certain layers of society, have defended his honorability because he still controls the allocation of public contracts, certain areas of the criminal panorama, and the granting of job positions. Nevertheless, it is a matter of time before he falls. It will likely be before or after he ends his mandate in 2022. At that moment Cabeza de Vaca will be left alone by his current friends and allies. He will likely go into hiding and probably will try to leave Mexico like former Tamaulipas governor Yarrington or Coahuila governor Moreira did. We have witnessed the same stories enough times to understand that this is another card in the wide and wicked deck of Mexico's criminal governors.
In order to offer a better hindsight into the facts and circumstances that surround Cabeza de Vaca's case, Borderland Beat presents a series of investigative reports that will dig into the Governor's past and present times. We will study how he got into the higher layers of Mexico's first alternative to the dominant Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the National Action Party (PAN). Borderland Beat will also analyze how he got into the city hall of Reynosa, how he was able to develop strong ties with both former Mexican presidents Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón, and how he created a vast network of associates, strawmen, and accomplices with whom he sacked the State of Tamaulipas since at least 2005. For doing this series, Borderland Beat spent hours of investigative reporting and invested a considerable amount of resources to gather its findings. We sincerely hope to match up to the challenge. We owe it, not just to our readers, but also to the beleaguered, mistreated and incredible Mexican people.
THE McALLEN INCIDENT:
Son of the marriage between María Lourdes Cabeza de Vaca Wattenberger and Manuel García Uresti, Francisco Javier Garcia Cabeza de Vaca was born on September 17, 1967. He has two brothers: José Manuel and Ismael. His family was traditionally based in Reynosa, Tamaulipas, and from this border city the clan has managed the strings of municipal and regional politics at least since 2005. The first relevant event in the life of Cabeza de Vaca as a youngster is possibly one of the darkest. Not because of its relevance but because it evidences the nature of the individual. Although it is true that one cannot be judged by a single action, the circumstances, accomplices, the fate of such accomplices, and the future of Cabeza de Vaca after this specific incident offers a great glipmse through which his life and personality can be interpreted. On February 9 1986, Cabeza de Vaca and three other individuals where detained by a police officer in McAllen, Texas. That night the four youngsters (all of them minors except Cabeza de Vaca) stopped their car next to a pickup parked at the Cinema Gemelos Plitt. One of them came out from the car, entered into the pickup and stole everything he found inside. The police officer saw it and stopped the car later, which was being driven by 16-year old Alfredo Cerda Ramos AKA El Paya. Next to the driver was Cabeza de Vaca. Behind them there were 17-year old Antonio Barba Villanueva AKA El Toño Barba and 16-year old Alberto Gómez AKA La Chona.
They were hiding a cardboard box, a rifle, and a shotgun they had stolen from the pickup. Among the items found by the agents inside the car were two screwdrivers, a package of batteries, a pair of gloves, a knife in a black case, a pair of spurs with the initials E.R. and a cardboard box containing a telephone with an automatic answering machine. This machine was propriety of Emilio Rodríguez, the owner of the pickup that Cabeza de Vaca and his pals robbed. Since his friends were all minors their cases did not go through the criminal procedure. But Cabeza de Vaca was 18 years old and had the capacity to answer for his crime. How did he get away from the subsequent criminal procedure? In later interviews he said that he was inside the car, but defended himself by saying that he did not steal anything. "The incident occurred as we were coming out from a cinema," he said in an interview with Radio Fórmula decades later. "The police came and a boy tried to open a car, they captured everyone, it was a mischief." Mischief or not, they stole two weapons, not vegetables. Although it is true that the Hidalgo County Criminal District Attorney René Guerra (the one who handled the case) recognized these allegations in a TV interview in the 2000s, the defense and praise he gave to Cabeza de Vaca, who was just one of the hundreds of cases Guerra managed from 1984 and 2014 was a District Attorney, should be considered at least suspicious.
Officially, the case was dismissed because the one stealing the pickup was a minor and it was not possible to link any of the other youngsters, including Cabeza de Vaca, to the crime. We will probably never know what happened between the Cabeza de Vaca family and Texan authorities, but the truth is that all four of them left McAllen as free men after paying a $5,000 fine and negotiating with the victim, who granted their pardon. The only trace that the murky event ever left is the police mugshot of a young Cabeza de Vaca holding a plaque with the number of his criminal case: 33696 0209. What we do know about is the end of his three friends. All of them were murdered in a time span of less than 3 years. On October 9, 1998, Alfredo Cerda Ramos AKA El Paya (the driver of the car) was murdered. Son of the high-ranking PEMEX labor union boss Alfredo Cerda Hernández, El Paya appeared executed with a bullet to the head with two other individuals from Reynosa in the Cuautitlán Izcalli delegation of Mexico City. Antonio Barba Villanueva AKA El Toño Barba was murdered on August 20, 1999. The last of the McAllen quartet was Alberto Gómez AKA La Chona, who had evolved quite a lot since he was captured with Cabeza de Vaca. According to available press archives, he became a lawyer and started working from Monterrey in cases linked only to drug issues.
According to El Norte newspaper, he became a lawyer for the Juárez Cartel and was particularly close to Amado's brother Vicente Carrillo Fuentes AKA El Viceroy. La Chona was kidnapped on the first days of November 2000. According to Mexican reporter Jesús Blancornelas, he was abducted and killed by people linked to Arturo Guzmán Decena AKA Z-1, founder member of Los Zetas. Z-1 was the head of Osiel Cárdenas Guillen's security circle and commanded offensives against members of Sinaloa Cartel in northeastern Mexico. Z-1 was killed in November 2002 in Matamoros. It is difficult to determine the circumstances of Cabeza de Vaca's life during the aftermath of the McAllen incident. If we have to believe his own version, he already was a popular football player and a clever student in the area of McAllen, so he continued with his bright career. He got two degrees from the Houston Baptist University, one in Business Administration and the other one in Marketing. He also met his wife Mariana Gómez Leal in a ball in 1990 in Reynosa, right after he had arrived from playing a football match in McAllen. This event would mark Cabeza de Vaca's future and career since Mariana was member of one of the multiple family clans or dinasties that have ruled Tamaulipas through local fiefdoms since before the revolutionary period.
Mariana was the daughter of Graciela Leal de Gómez and José Ramón Gómez Reséndez. José Ramón was probably one of Reynosa's most powerful businessmen. An engineer, he studied at the Tecnológico de Monterry, where he met and befriended a young Economics student called Manuel Cavazos Lerma, who between 1993 and 1999 would be the PRI Governor of Tamaulipas. José Ramón was also the founder of Transportes Gor, a transport company founded in Reynosa in 1981 that would become a transport emporium absorbing several smaller companies and eventually becoming Autofletes Gómez Leal SA de CV, which still bears the brand name "Grupo Gor" in memory of the initial company. During the early 2000s, Transportes Gor was in the middle of a scandal that erupted when several trucks of the company were caught redhanded transporting illicit fuel that had been brought illegally into the country. Among other episodes, we can cite the one happening on July 22, 2002, when three tanker trucks belonging to Transportes Gor were seized containing illegal kerosen imported from the US.
The relationship between Cabeza de Vaca's political family and organized crime have always been a dark shadow orbiting around him. In 2009, his brother-in-law José Ramón Gómez Leal (one of Transportes Gor's shareholders) launched his campaign as a PAN candidate for a seat in the State Congress. As journalist Ana Lilia Pérez points out, in the middle of the campaign, several photos appeared in the internet showing José Ramón hugging and partying with Armando Montes de León, a former policeman who at the time was working as enforcer for Jaime González Durán AKA El Hummer, one of the original Los Zetas founders and a heavy hitter in the city of Reynosa at the time. Borderland Beat was not able to find these pictures, but did confirm that such photographs were in circulation when reports from that time were consulted. During those years, Transportes Gor was owned by Cabeza de Vaca's father in law, José Ramón Gómez Reséndez, and his two brothers in law, José Ramón and Manuel Gómez Leal. The manager of the company was Manuel Gómez García, who was also Gómez Reséndez´s nephew. Manuel Gómez García left Transportes Gor at the end of 2002 to create his own transport company, Intertransports Inc. SA de CV, which immediately managed to obtain public contracts from PEMEX in order to transport oil and gas and that would also be pointed as a company engaged in oil theft and kerosen smuggling.
In 2001, Manuel Gómez García would be nominated as the head of Mexico´s National Chamber of Cargo Trucking (CANACAR), the national union of the haulier elite. From there, and until the end of his mandate in 2003, he would continuously praise and develope strong ties with Vicente Fox Quesada, who at the time was Presidente of Mexico. The President himself would attend meetings of the CANACAR organized by the union´s leader. Manuel Gómez Garcia's blazing career would have an abrupt end on February 3, 2008, when his corpse was found with several gunshots in a wasteland near Reynosa. But by then Fox was a friendly retired old man enjoying the fruits of his career in his ranch in Guanajuato and Cabeza de Vaca was a local deputy for the Tamaulipas State Congress. It was just another cadaver rounding on the orbit of the future Governor of Tamaulipas.
THE NOT SO HUMBLE BEGINNINGS OF A BUREAUCRAT:
The origins of Cabeza de Vaca's involvement in politics are clouded by the distance of time and the unbearable number of campaigns, elections, marches, speeches, and promises of dozens of candidates appearing in Tamaulipas during the last 22 years. What we know is that during most of the 1990s, he devoted himself to the management of his family's businesses. The first contact with real life political implications happened in 1998 when he became a precandidate on the elections for Reynosa's townhall. He did not go too far in an atmosphere where the only possibilities of success were linked to the factic powers represented by the PAN and the PRI, which still controlled Mexico's political destiny. The future Governor immediately saw the possibilites of joining one of Mexico´s political forces, and that same year Cabeza de Vaca jumped into the ranks of the PAN. Today most people might not remember how Mexico was back in the 1990s. A rare exception among the long and terrible list of Latin American dictatorships of the XXth century, Mexico managed to remain relatively stable and politically peaceful. The price for such a stability was the creation of a "civilian dictatorship" that would rule Mexico's social, political, and economic spheres for nearly 60 years through an almost unique party, the PRI.
Once labeled by prominent writer Mario Vargas Llosa as "the perfect dictatorship", the PRI managed to maintain Mexico within a certain level of order combining an old-fashioned and artificial revolutionary rhetoric, the mismanagement of the public resources coming from the exploitation of gas and oil through PEMEX, a widespread regime of corruption and clandestine, accurate and fierce repression against potential threats that included forced dissapearances of revolutionary students and intellectuals, a generalized practice of police torture, and a sporadic displays of violence (such as the Tlatelolco massacre or the scorched earth campaign against the armed movements in Guerrero and Michoacán). Nevertheless, during these years of obscurity, the PRI was not the only political party acting inside Mexico. As a method for legitimizing its own system, the PRI allowed certain political organizations to organize themselves as some sort of "opposition" as long as their reivindications did not go too far. Thus, in 1939, a group of conservative and religious businessmen founded the PAN. The PAN originally represented the ideas and aspirations of a certain (and minority) group of citizens opposed to the policies and political projects of President Lázaro Cárdenas, who always charaterized himself as a nationalist, with a clear idea about the progressivism, laicism and patriotism that should guide Mexico's founding principles.
With the years, as the PRI's hegemony turned into a wicked regime of nepotism and corruption, the PAN did not stay silent. Things began changing in the 1980s when it was clear that the revolutionary movements of Central America would not achieve any significant victories and the US started loosening the ties that linked what they saw as America's security to the stability of Mexico's political system. Thus, in 1989, the "panista" politician Ernesto Ruffo Appel managed to become the first opposition candidate winning a Governorship (the one of Baja California). During the 1990s, Mexicans suddenly realized that the PRI´s regime would not last forever. Suddenly, new PAN candidates started being elected as mayors and Governors, and the press could publish articles critizising the hegemonic party. It was also possible (to some extent) to organize a political meeting without fearing the appearance of "porros" or secret policemen who would start a quarrel. Certain surreal events such as the murders of the PRI's presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio and General Secretary José Francisco Ruíz Massieu, both linked to the obscure spheres of influence orbitating around the Salinas de Gortari political clan, contributed to the destruction of the remaining party's influence and credibility. By the last years of the 20th century it was clear that the PRI would loose the Federal elections and that the monopoly over the industry created around the public contracts through which the PRI's last administrations had started privatizing Mexico's economy would change hands.
This was a turning point in the history of Mexico that few have studied with rigor. A system created for achieving political stability had shaped a country, defining its economy, molding its institutions, stating a way of doing business ... This system was crushed in 2000 when Vicente Fox Quesada, the PAN opposition candidate, was elected as President of Mexico. And with the new President came a new system that was different from the preceding one in the colors of the party flag, because the objective remained the same: sacking Mexico.The PRI bureaucrats were followed by a cohort of PAN politicians that without any political experience would cope with the facilities and temptations of absolute power very soon. By the end of the 1990s, Cabeza de Vaca was one among the thousands of young individuals that saw in the PAN not the possibility of a democratic future and an end to the PRI´s reign of corruption, but the possibility of acquiring power and money. And, obsiouly, he joined the party. As any other "young turk", Cabeza de Vaca entered into the PAN ranks with the aid and support of a godfather: Gustavo Cárdenas Gutiérrez. Son of three-time mayor of Matamoros Jorge Cárdenas González and nephew of former Tamaulipas Governor Enrique Cárdenas González (1975-1981),
Gustavo Cárdenas was initially a member of the PRI. In 1993, when the party refused to present him as candidate for the mayorship of Ciudad Victoria, Gustavo changed colours and joined the already successful PAN, winning the position and becoming the mayor of Ciudad Victoria. In 1995 he managed to become a local Deputy at the Tamaulipas State Congress. By this time Gustavo had managed to become the PAN's heavyhitter in Tamaulipas, controlling the party at the State level (he would be the PAN's delegate for the whole State between 1999 and 2000). Due to his large political influence, he tried to run for Tamaulipas' first opposition Governor. He lost in 1998 against the PRI's golden candidate: Tomás Yarrington Ruvalcaba, who would make an art of corruption and collusion with organized crime, as Borderland Beat has reported in detail. Gustavo would try again in 2012, but this time it was Yarrington's puppet, Eugenio Hernández Flores, who beat him for the Governorship role. After two failed attempts, Gustavo's political image was totally burnt and after four years in the Federal Senate (2000-2004), he finally left the PAN in 2013 amid allegations of corruption and despotism. He immediately chose a new political party, Movimiento Ciudadano, which he would use to run again for the Mayorship of Ciudad Victoria (he failed once again) and to become a Federal Congressman between 2015 and 2018.
Although today there is a bitter rivalry between both men, it was Gustavo Cárdenas Gutiérrez the one who initially sponsored Cabeza de Vaca inside the PAN. Cabeza de Vaca's first task for his political godfather was to organize Gustavo's electoral campaign for the Governorship in 1998 as Coordinator for the PAN's pre-candidacy. He also directed Gustavo's formal candicacy in the northern area of Tamaulipas. From these new positions, a young and relatively inexperienced Cabeza de Vaca, had to sell the image of his boss and mentor to the people of Tamaulipas. Given the PRI's de facto control over Tamaulipas, it is worth noting that Gustavo managed to obtain a meager 26.02% of the votes against Yarrington's undisputed victory with 53.66% of the vote. By the end of 1999, Cabeza de Vaca had become someone important inside the PAN's state ranks. Using his influence, contacts, and unquestionable social skills, he managed to climb positions inside a party which was clearly defined as Mexico's next ruling party. Cabeza de Vaca knew this, and once his first obstacle (the obtention of contacts and reputation inside the State PAN elite) had been achieved, he immediately turned towards the second goal: reaching the Federal level. Hence, Cabeza de Vaca targeted a new political patron: PAN's presidential candidate Vicente Fox Quesada.
TARGETING MEXICO'S OWNERS: CABEZA DE VACA AND THE FOX-SAHAGÚN CLAN
The relationship between the current Governor of Tamaulipas and the Fox family started in the late 1990s and probably was the consequence of indirect contacts. In other words, Cabeza de Vaca was introduced to the Fox family through someone who knew both families. In this case the relationship was established not with Vicente Fox, the presidential candidate, but with his spouse Marta Sahagún, and especially with the three sons of the would-be first lady: Manuel, Fernando and Jorge Alberto Bribiesca. Where did this relationship come from? The most probable answer is a man called Sergio Amaury Flores Pérez. Originally from Reynosa, Amaury studied in Celaya, Guanajato, where he met and befriended Marta Sahagún's son Manuel Bribiesca. As Cabeza de Vaca recognized, he also knew Sergio Amaury very well, "even before Manuel Bribiesca". Eventually, Sergio Amaury would join the Customs division of the Secretariat of Finance and Public Credit (SHCP), Mexico's equivalent of the US's Internal Revenue Service (IRS), where we worked as sub-administrator in the customs of Guadalajara, Jalisco, and as Chief of Customs Operations in the border crossings of Reynosa and Nuevo Laredo during the 1990s.
While stationed in these two border cities, he introduced his friend Manuel Bribiesca to several transport elites. It is worth noting that a Federal Investigative Commision revealed that Sergio Amaury participated in the diversion of seized smuggled items for private profit. What happened that linked Sergio Amaury, Cabeza de Vaca, and Manuel Bribiesca? We may never know, but we can suppose that the link between Amaury and Reynosa's customs and transport elites may have facilitated contacts between Cabeza de Vaca and Manuel Bribiesca. In any case, Amaury's services were rewarded when Cabeza de Vaca became mayor of Reynosa in 2005. He appointed Amaury as Director of Transit and Land Transport. In 2006 it was revealed that Amaury and Cabeza de Vaca's brother, Ismael had created two companies, Compañía Difusora de Radio del Norte SA de CV and Corporativo de Radio Norte SA de CV. These two companies tried to obtain hundreds of TV and radio licenses issued by the local Government. We will return to this issue in the next episode of this series. The fact is that it is almost unquestionable that it was through Sergio Amaury that Cabeza de Vaca contacted Manuel Bribiesca. Manuel Bribiesca, in turn, introduced the would-be Governor to his mother, Marta Sahagún, through whom he got access to his ultimate objective: Vicente Fox Quesada.
Nevertheless, the initial relationship between the Fox-Sahagún clan and Cabeza de Vaca would be bolstered by the articulation of a support platform and civil organization for the presidential candidate: "Amigos de Fox" (Friends of Fox). Born in the State of Guanajuato, Vicente Fox Quesada was the son of an American citizen and a Vasque immigrant. Bred inside considerable levels of economic and social well-being, Vicente Fox joined Coca-Cola Mexico in 1964 as a mid-level manager. In the late 1970s, he left the company after serving as President and Chief Officer and managed his family´s businesses and ranches in Guanajato. By 1987, he entered in the PAN's ranks and founded an internal political trend known as "neopanismo". This faction was headed by young businessmen that managed to win their first victory in 1989 when Ernesto Ruffo Appel won the Governorship of Baja California. In the early 1990s, several of Fox's friends conceived the project of presenting him as candidate for the Governorship of Guanajuato, which he won in 1995. Two years later, these same friends and businessmen started developing a plan to help prepare Fox for the 2000 presidential elections, but for such a campaign they needed a formidable public relations campaign.
On February 1998, this clique founded Amigos de Fox. This organization constitutued itself as a civil association whose purpose was to act as a powerful multimedia platform that would sell the image of the ideal alternative to the PRI. Amigos de Fox soon became the key to future success for multiple insightful individuals that immediately understood that if they provided Fox with support and favours, they would be rewarded once the PAN had conquered Los Pinos, Mexico's former presidential office. Hundreds of people, most of whom intially were rich businessmen from Jalisco, the State of Mexico and Guanajuato, started joining the group. They provided money to print T-shirts, polos, caps, flags, key rings, and banners with the face of Fox and his electoral slogan: "Sacar al PRI de Los Pinos" (Take the PRI out from Los Pinos). Amid this wave of sudden Fox supporters was a young Cabeza de Vaca. He already knew the son of Fox's fiancé, Marta Sahagún (at the time, Fox was preparing the divorce from his first wife). Cabeza de Vaca was also one of the closest advisors to Tamaulipas PAN delegate Gustavo Cárdenas Gutiérrez. With such contacts it was no surprise that Cabeza de Vaca was able to be nominated as Coordinator of Amigos de Fox for the Northern Zone of Tamaulipas at the beginning of 2000. That same year, he joined the State Committee of Amigos de Fox, where he coordinated the campaign of the future president, who was elected as President of Mexico with 42.52% of the votes. A new century had started for Mexico. A century that would bring a new wave of public contracts awarded by the PAN's leadership, the sharpening of the climate of violence caused by organized criminal groups, and the strengthening of the Cabeza de Vaca clan, which from its native Reynosa would raise him to the mayorship. From there, the future of the clan was going to speed up towards massive corruption, nepotism, and a tacit alliance with organized crime.
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Topic # 7: Body count from drug cartel wars earns Mexican cities label of ‘most violent in the world’
Source:
https://www.borderreport.com/hot-topics/border-crime/body-count-from-drug-cartel-wars-earns-mexican-cities-label-of-most-violent-in-the-world/ Study: Celaya, Tijuana and Juarez have highest homicide rates as AMLO sticks to hands-off policy against cartels; Central American cities no longer as deadly
Photo # 1: Members of the National Guard walk near the crime scene where 24 people were killed at rehab center in Irapuato, Guanajuato state, Mexico
Photo # 2: Jorge Nava
The Story:
Seven Mexican cities, including the border towns of Tijuana and Juarez, are among the world’s most violent, says a group that tracks homicide rates worldwide. This has to do with Mexico being the home of several warring drug cartels that try to kill each other off in a country where the government has taken a “hands off” approach toward organized crime and impunity is high, according to the group. “Mexico for the past two years has been the world’s epicenter for homicidal violence. This is no fluke. In 2019 and 2020, the government of President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador has applied the worst crime-control policy,” the Mexico City-based Citizens Council for Public Safety and Judicial Justice said. The group says Lopez Obrador hasn’t moved against organized criminal groups, which it says are responsible for much of the violence, under the assumption the criminals “will behave well” if police leave them alone. The government also is pursuing a policy of social spending hoping people will say no when gangs try to recruit them. The council calls both strategies “questionable.” The council every year publishes a list of the most violent cities in the world based on murder rates. Tijuana was number one in the 2019, study, followed by Juarez. Celaya, a city in Guanajuato, Mexico where the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) made it a point to wipe out a local gang named Santa Rosa de Lima in an effort control drug trafficking and large-scale gasoline theft had the highest homicide rate in the world in 2020, according to the group.
Celaya’s 109 murders per 100,000 inhabitants were greater than Tijuana’s 105. The group ranks Juarez as the third-deadliest city in the world with 103 murders per 100,000 population. Mid-sized Mexican cities in Sonora, Guanajuato and Baja California followed, with St. Louis, Mo., coming in seventh with 87.83 murders per 100,000 people. Baltimore is 16th on the list. And even as citizens of Central American countries stream to the U.S.-Mexico border seeking asylum because of violent crime, the council said fewer homicides were reported in major cities in Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador in 2020 than in prior years. The council says Guatemala City and San Salvador are no longer among the world’s 50 most violent cities and San Pedro Sula, Honduras, the world’s homicide capital from 2011-2014, now ranks 34th, with 41.19 murders per 100,000 population. Chihuahua City, where the old Juarez cartel now known as La Linea is trying to expel Sinaloa cartel proxy Gente Nueva, had a higher murder rate with 42.87. In Juarez, a Honduran migrant named Victor as well as Chihuahua Deputy Attorney General Jorge Nava questioned the survey’s conclusions.
Victor got shot in the foot while fleeing a criminal who tried to rob him on a pay day in Olancho, southeast of San Pedro Sula. “Crime is bad all over Honduras. Maybe they don’t kill you, but not because they don’t try,” he said. Nava doesn’t dispute the numbers but says to refer to cities as “most violent” based solely on homicides is misleading. “What makes a city less safe? Kidnappings, robberies and carjackings directly impact people’s safety and threaten business stability,” the deputy attorney general said. “We don’t deny Juarez has a high number of homicides […] but most of the homicides have to do with drug-trafficking, drug sales, violence from one gang to another. What makes citizens less safe? Violence among people aware something could happen to them because of the activities they are engaged in, or random crime against citizens at large?” He said few non-drug related murders, kidnappings, extortion and robberies happen in Juarez.
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Topic # 8: Closing Prisons Only Postpones Real Issues in Mexico
Source:
https://insightcrime.org/news/closing-prisons-delays-problem-mexico/ The Story:
The shuttering of a state prison in Mexico is an unconventional response by officials trying to combat poor living conditions for inmates but this will do little to address fundamental problems in the country’s penitentiaries. The facility in Temascaltepec, State of Mexico, was permanently closed this week due to security failures and a lack of basic resources, according to a statement from the state’s security secretary. The prison reportedly did not have adequate health and education services or sufficient recreational areas for inmates. Without these services, the state government considered that prisoners did not enjoy adequate living conditions but also lacked access to the services needed to help them transition back into society. Officials also said they were unable to provide adequate security to maintain order within the prison. While it is unclear how violent it became inside, a good indicator might be that the prison lacked “disciplinary areas” where inmates were supposed to be held after breaking the rules, according to a 2019 report from the Mexico State Commission on Human Rights. The report also included the prison on its list of state facilities suffering from overpopulation. The 164 inmates are being transferred to other facilities in the state of Mexico, including in Valle de Bravo and Almoloya de Juárez. The recently opened Tenancingo del Sur prison, which was reportedly constructed with an emphasis on social programs in line with United Nations prisons standards, will also be taking some of the inmates.
ANALYSIS BY INSIGHT CRIME:
While acknowledging that the Temascaltepec prison did not offer the right conditions is a positive step, closing it permanently may be counterintuitive to long-term progress. Instead, it worsens the burden on other prisons and does little to address nationwide structural flaws. The Mexican prison system has been characterized as understaffed, with poor sanitary conditions and a lack of “opportunities for inmates to develop the skills necessary for social reintegration,” according to the 2020 United States Country Report on Human Rights. Nearly half of all prisons in Mexico suffer from overcrowding – sharing a cell with five or more people – and thirteen percent share a cell with more than fifteen, according to the report. The State of Mexico is no exception. Temascaltepec prison was one of a number of facilities identified by Mexico’s Commission on Human Rights as having issues with overcrowding, security and basic resources. This was despite the fact that many of the prisons listed were temporarily closed for reforms in the early 2010s. “There is no use in having fewer prisons but the same or greater population of people deprived of their freedom. This situation only allows for more human rights violations,” ASILEGAL, a prisoners advocacy group in Mexico, wrote in an October 2020 statement. Finally, an investigation by Milenio last year found that the government had invested over $2 million over 14 years into the infrastructure and security of six prisons around the country, only for them to close anyway, or become inactive.
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