Author Topic: Antifa-BLM, SJW warriors, gender warriors , victimhood, cancel culture, satanism  (Read 140471 times)


ccp

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it is one thing if privately a group of minorities organized a party and invited her and she goes versus
she organizes it (I assume with city budget money) herself and excludes one race.

that seems violation of civil rights but I am no attorney .


Crafty_Dog

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ROTFLMAO!

ccp

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For all white people on this board
« Reply #1304 on: December 19, 2023, 06:20:59 AM »
Just thought I would share today's email I received from Michigan department of Health.
I would think everyone here would also want to take this training session to be more culturally well rounded and to become a more sensitive less hateful human being:

LARA Mandated Implicit Bias Training for Healthcare Physicians
Implicit Bias Training with a Difference - Act Now and Save 20%
Dear Licensee,
At the Cultural Intelligence Center, a Michigan-based company, we offer Implicit Bias training for those that need 1-, 2- or 3-hours’ worth of training.  Our training options fulfill the State of Michigan LARA mandated Implicit Bias in Healthcare training requirements.  Your license is set to expire this year, why not take this opportunity to get ahead at a fraction of the price?

Take advantage of this limited time offer for 20% off your implicit bias in healthcare training. Use coupon code "EB20" at checkout to receive 20% off the retail price of the training.

Choose the LARA compliant training option below that is best for you:

POPULAR SELF-PACED TRAINING OPTIONS:
Self-Paced Implicit Bias in Healthcare e-Learning (1 Hr): A 1-hour virtual program, which can be completed as your schedule allows.
Self-Paced Implicit Bias in Healthcare Pre-Recorded Webinar (1 Hr): A Pre-recorded webinar discussion on bias issues in the healthcare setting which can be completed as your schedule allows.
Self-Paced Implicit Bias in Healthcare Masterclass (2 Hrs):  A one hour self-paced e-Learning and a one hour pre-recorded webinar discussion. The Masterclass can be completed as your schedule allows.
POPULAR INSTRUCTOR-LED TRAINING OPTIONS:
Facilitator-Led Implicit Bias in Healthcare Training (1 Hr) - Our Implicit Bias in Healthcare Training is a one-hour, facilitator-led online discussion on bias issues in the healthcare setting. It includes a short 5-minute survey and a certificate of completion.  We offer multiple session dates and times for your convenience.
Implicit Bias in Healthcare Masterclass (2 Hrs) - The Implicit Bias in Healthcare Masterclass is a 2-hour blended learning option. It includes a one-hour live, facilitator-led online discussion on implicit bias in health care, as well as a one-hour Implicit Bias e-learning focused on health care situations, which can be completed as your schedule allows.
In addition to our most popular training solutions, we offer three-hour live Facilitator-Led training sessions and ACCME (1 and 2 hour) accredited training options.
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Why our training?  94% of our training participants reported that they were better able to recognize and deal with bias in themselves and their colleagues.

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Don't forget to use coupon code "EB20" at checkout to receive 20% off the retail price of the training options.

Sincerely,

The Cultural Intelligence Center
A Michigan-based Company

View the LARA training requirements here.

About the Cultural Intelligence Center, a Michigan-based Company
The Cultural Intelligence Center is an innovative, research-based training and consulting firm that draws upon empirical findings to help organizations and individuals assess and improve cultural intelligence (CQ)-the ability to work effectively with people from different nationalities, ethnicities, age groups, and more. We create programs, workshops, certifications, and multiple-languages assessments that are industry-specific and tailored to help people acquire CQ capabilities and harness their transformative powers in every aspect of their lives. Headquartered in the United States, our globally diverse team of experts and trainers serves clients all over the world to help everyone, everywhere unlock the power of CQ. More information about the Cultural Intelligence Center can be found on our website at www.CulturalQ.com.

Cultural Intelligence Center, LLC | 2840 College Road, Holt, MI 48842 | info@culturalQ.com | www.culturalQ.com | +1 616.855.1737


Reason You Are Receiving this Email - The Bureau of Professional Licensing (BPL) within the Department of Licensing and Regulatory Affairs (LARA) would like to remind  you that the Michigan Public Health Code – General Rules were revised last year and now require implicit bias training for your profession. The requirements apply to both new applicants as well as those renewing their existing licenses or registrations starting on June 1, 2022.  LARA has made available a list of frequently asked questions and answers regarding the new training requirements.

This advertisement was sent by the Cultural Intelligence Center, a Michigan-based company.



ccp

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gender neutral toy section mandated by California
« Reply #1307 on: January 01, 2024, 12:45:03 PM »
well the heck do we need a law for this:

https://www.cnn.com/2024/01/01/us/gender-neutral-toy-aisles-are-now-law-in-california/index.html

endless lawyerism just endless

leave us the heck alone!


Crafty_Dog

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WSJ: Hamasholes mini-terrorism
« Reply #1309 on: January 11, 2024, 08:59:48 AM »

Blocking the Road Is Civil Terrorism
Like terrorists, disruptive protests prey on law-abiding citizens to achieve their political goals.
By Tal Fortgang
Jan. 10, 2024 3:14 pm ET


Anti-Israel demonstrators blocking the entrance to the Brooklyn Bridge in New York, Jan. 8. PHOTO: GINA M RANDAZZO/ZUMA PRESS
The anti-Israel demonstrators who have blocked traffic in major cities across the country know that their victims are decent people. There is little risk that the drivers who can’t get to their jobs, families and other obligations will run them over because those drivers are careful to avoid harming others and breaking the law—even as they face down people who flagrantly do both.

It is no coincidence that only one side in the clash between Israel’s friends and foes in the West behaves this way. Those who reacted to Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack by doubling down on calls for Israel’s elimination emulate Hamas by inflicting suffering on innocent people to achieve their political ends, albeit at a much smaller scale. Seeing their own cause as absolutely righteous, they are blind to the cruelty of their own actions and prey upon those too decent to respond with deterrent force. They think they are engaging in civil disobedience, the tactic that exposed the injustice of racial segregation. But they aren’t trying to draw attention to the wrongness of the laws they are breaking; they are trying to draw attention to an unrelated political issue. These demonstrators would more accurately be called civil terrorists.

Why would anti-Israel activists think infuriating thousands of their fellow citizens with useless stunts will win allies for the cause? That question is based on the incorrect assumption that these activists are trying to persuade or win sympathy from those on the fence. Rather, the demonstrators, like Hamas and other “decolonization” groups, are trying to make civilian life miserable, while forcing people to draw a mental connection between that misery and some political status quo.

If the costs of continuing to support Israel are too high, they figure, Americans will start lobbying their elected officials to capitulate to terrorists at home and abroad. Just as Americans put their cars in park rather than plow ahead, the radicals bet that peaceful Americans will try to end these disruptions through politics instead of a crackdown on petty street crime.

Law-abiding Americans can signal that such an outcome is impossible by raising the cost of future demonstrations by enforcing the law. When localities plagued by civil terrorism do so, they send the message that they won’t let bad actors take advantage of good citizens. These crimes don’t warrant deadly force, but decent people count on law enforcement to restore order.

So far, the demonstrators’ cynical faith in the kindness of Americans has proved correct. Though police have recently begun arresting demonstrators blocking major roads, there is little reason to believe that those arrested will face consequences significant enough to deter this trend. Since blocking traffic is at most a misdemeanor in most states, district attorneys likely see little use in dedicating resources to prosecute these acts of domestic terror.

Until there are significant consequences, in the form of prison time and fines, the trend of blocking interstates, bridges and airports isn’t likely to abate.

Mr. Fortgang is an adjunct fellow at the Manhattan Institute
« Last Edit: January 11, 2024, 09:27:49 AM by Crafty_Dog »

ccp

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I think we need to arm the Lubovitches and send them in their to take on the pro Palestinians.

Did you see that crew in NYC in the NY Post  :-D


Body-by-Guinness

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Another Woke Petard Gives Hoist
« Reply #1311 on: January 12, 2024, 11:24:04 AM »

ccp

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NFL moving away from "End Racism" slogan in endzones
« Reply #1312 on: January 13, 2024, 08:40:50 AM »
https://www.totalprosports.com/nfl/nfl-replace-end-racism-endzones-play-football/

comment from American Spectator on this:

https://spectator.org/nfl-greedy-woke-and-stupid/

"What could be more absurd than preaching END RACISM to a stadium of 70,000 white people paying $500 tickets to cheer fanatically for multi-million-dollar black athletes? Whilst wearing the jerseys of those athletes?"

ccp

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implicit bias "training" in medicine
« Reply #1313 on: January 14, 2024, 09:02:05 AM »
having just taken , again , a mandatory  implicit bias training course to get a state med license

I can say that is automatically assumed all white people are biased consciously or unconsciously.

https://www.conservativereview.com/ucla-medical-school-suddenly-stops-antiracist-exercise-following-civil-rights-complaint-2666949632.html

We are knowingly or not all white supremacists with priveledge

Don't agree ----- > you are wrong and in denial !


ccp

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I guess they are applying for Pete Butti’s FAA.   They will be hired with no more need for interviews.   

ccp

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Bowman : 14 trillion would do it
« Reply #1316 on: January 18, 2024, 07:24:54 AM »
https://nypost.com/2024/01/18/news/ny-squad-member-rep-jamaal-bowman-explains-creative-way-to-pay-slavery-reparations/

Lets see:

34 trillion debt +14 trillion extortion fee = 48 trillion total leads to economic collapse.

Happy now?

ccp

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Sunny Hostin
« Reply #1317 on: January 20, 2024, 08:27:24 AM »
https://www.breitbart.com/clips/2024/01/19/abcs-hostin-still-in-the-fight-of-our-lives-to-save-the-soul-of-this-country-from-the-scourge-of-racism/

FACT CHECK:

https://search.yahoo.com/search?fr=mcafee&type=E210US1494G0&p=sunny+hostin+salary

I know hundreds of millions of white people who would love to make yearly income simply to sit on TV for what an hour ? whatever 5 days per week and spew out nonsense.


ccp

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Clyburn with race again
« Reply #1318 on: January 23, 2024, 04:56:09 AM »

Crafty_Dog

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"Race Colored Glasses"

Good one!  Stealing!

Body-by-Guinness

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Comparative Cancel Culture
« Reply #1320 on: January 24, 2024, 08:20:10 PM »
A long, well sourced, and damning piece focused on the impacts of cancel culture:

https://greglukianoff.substack.com/p/yes-the-last-10-years-really-have




Crafty_Dog

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I liked him on Shark Tank, but its spotlight has gone to his head.

Body-by-Guinness

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When Geese, Ganders, & “Protected Classes” Abide by Different Standards
« Reply #1325 on: January 30, 2024, 03:46:15 PM »
Even handed examination of DEI, cancel culture, Harvard’s former President Gay, free inquiry, and so on. I confess this piece modified my thinking some as, for instance, I feel less strongly that Palestinian protests embracing unabashed anti-Semitic elements should be sanctioned, albeit so long as the same standards are applied to all political speech:

The Future of Academic Freedom
As the Israel-Hamas war provokes claims about unacceptable speech, the ability to debate difficult subjects is in renewed peril.

By Jeannie Suk Gersen
January 27, 2024

On January 2nd, after months of turmoil around Harvard’s response to Hamas’s attack on Israel, and weeks of turmoil around accusations of plagiarism, Claudine Gay resigned as the university’s president. Any hope that this might relieve the outsized attention on Harvard proved to be illusory. The week after Gay stepped down, two congressional committees demanded documents and explanations from Harvard, on topics ranging from antisemitism, free speech, discrimination, and discipline, to admissions, donations, budgets, and legal settlements. Some at Harvard might say this is a crisis sparked by external forces: the government, donors, and the public. But it developed long before Gay became president and won’t end with her fall. Over time, Harvard, like many other universities, has allowed the core academic mission of research, intellectual inquiry, and teaching to be subordinated to other values that, though important, should never have been allowed to work against it.

Sometime in the twenty-tens, it became common for students to speak of feeling unsafe when they heard things that offended them. I’ve been a law professor at Harvard since 2006. The first piece I wrote for The New Yorker, in 2014, was about students’ suggestions (then shocking to me) that rape law should not be taught in the criminal-law course, because debates involving arguments for defendants, in addition to the prosecution, caused distress. At the very least, some students said, nobody should be asked in class to argue a side with which they disagree. Since then, students have asked me to excuse them from discussing or being examined on guns, gang violence, domestic violence, the death penalty, L.G.B.T.Q. issues, police brutality, kidnapping, suicide, and abortion. I have declined, because I believe the most important skill I teach is the ability to have rigorous exchanges on difficult topics, but professors across the country have agreed to similar requests.

Over the years, I learned that students had repeatedly attempted to file complaints about my classes, saying that my requiring students to articulate, or to hear classmates make, arguments they might abhor—for example, Justice Antonin Scalia saying there is no constitutional right to same-sex intimacy—was unacceptable. The administration at my law school would not allow such complaints to move forward to investigations because of its firm view that academic freedom protects reasonable pedagogical choices. But colleagues at other schools within Harvard and elsewhere feared that their administrators were using concepts of discrimination or harassment to cover classroom discussions that make someone uncomfortable. These colleagues become more and more unwilling to facilitate conversations on controversial topics, believing that university administrators might not distinguish between challenging discussions and discrimination or harassment. Even an investigation that ended with no finding of wrongdoing could eat up a year of one’s professional life and cost thousands of dollars in legal bills. (A spokesperson for Harvard University declined to comment for this story.)

The seeping of D.E.I. programs into many aspects of university life in the past decade would seem a ready-made explanation for how we got to such a point. Danielle Allen, a political philosopher and my Harvard colleague, co-chaired the university’s Presidential Task Force on Inclusion and Belonging, which produced a report, in 2018, that aimed to counter the idea that principles of D.E.I. and of academic freedom are in opposition, and put forward a vision in which both are “necessary to the pursuit of truth.” Like Allen, I consider the diversity of thought that derives from the inclusion of people of different experiences, backgrounds, and identities to be vital to an intellectual community and to democracy. But, as she observed last month in the Washington Post, “across the country, DEI bureaucracies have been responsible for numerous assaults on common sense.” Allen continued, “Somehow the racial reckoning of 2020 lost sight of that core goal of a culture of mutual respect with human dignity at the center. A shaming culture was embraced instead.”

Last year, students at Harvard’s public-health school discovered that Tyler VanderWeele, an epidemiology professor and a Catholic, had signed on to an amicus brief in the Supreme Court in 2015, arguing that the Constitution does not contain a federal right to same-sex marriage and that the issue should be decided by the states—a view similar to that of President Barack Obama until 2012. After some students called for VanderWeele’s firing or removal from teaching a required course, administrative leaders at the school e-mailed parts of the community explaining that it seeks “to nurture a culture of inclusion, equity, and belonging,” that everyone has a right to express their views, even though free expression “can cause deep hurt, undermine the culture of belonging, and make other members of the community feel less free and less safe.” In light of the harm and betrayal students reported because of VanderWeele’s views, the school hosted more than a dozen restorative “circle dialogue” sessions, “for people to process, share, and collectively move forward from the current place of pain.” (A spokesperson for the School of Public Health pointed out that students exercised free-speech rights when they demanded VanderWeele’s firing and said that the administration never considered disciplinary action against him.)

In 2021, Carole Hooven, a longtime Harvard lecturer on human evolutionary biology who wrote a well-reviewed book about testosterone, stated in a Fox News interview, “The facts are that there are in fact two sexes . . . male and female, and those sexes are designated by the kind of gametes we produce.” She added that “understanding the facts about biology doesn’t prevent us from treating people with respect,” and that we can “respect their gender identities and use their preferred pronouns.” The director of her department’s Diversity and Inclusion task force, a graduate student, denounced Hooven’s remarks, in a tweet, as “transphobic and harmful.” A cascade of shunning and condemnation ensued, including a petition, authored by graduate students, which implied that Hooven was a threat to student safety. Graduate students also refused to serve as teaching assistants for her previously popular course on hormones, making it difficult for her to keep teaching it. Hooven found it untenable to remain in her job, and she retired from the department.

Students across the political spectrum, but largely liberals, have told me that they felt it would be foolish to volunteer their opinions in class discussions, or even that they routinely lied about their views when asked. These self-censorious habits became even more conscious with the rise of the #MeToo and Black Lives Matter movements, such that a large range of political remarks—questioning abortion rights, calling a fetus an “unborn child,” doubting the fairness of affirmative action, praising “color-blindness,” or asking who should compete in women’s sports—could be perceived as being on a continuum of bigotry. In this climate, it became increasingly difficult to elicit robust discussions because students were so scared of one another.

In 2021, feeling that the environment for open inquiry was dire, I helped form the Academic Freedom Alliance, a national organization that supports faculty who are threatened with penalties for their exercise of academic freedom. It defends the freedom of thought and expression in research, writing, teaching, and “extramural speech,” and provides funds for the legal defense of faculty who face official reprisals. The people whose rights we’ve defended have usually expressed views that I happen to find objectionable and even offensive. For example, the University of Pennsylvania law professor Amy Wax wrote that “the United States is better off with fewer Asians” and, on a podcast, suggested that “the spirit of liberty” may not “beat in their breast.” I wished she hadn’t said that, but I held my nose and defended her right not to be fired or otherwise punished, which many at Penn demanded.

A year ago, I became a co-president of a new group, the Council on Academic Freedom, founded to promote “free inquiry, intellectual diversity, and civil discourse” at Harvard. That summer, Gay took office as Harvard’s president, and the group’s leaders soon met with her to press the case that academic freedom desperately needed her attention. In her inaugural speech, in September, Gay acknowledged Harvard’s “long history of exclusion” and “the weight and honor of being a ‘first,’ ” as its first Black president. I was very relieved when she also pointedly said that the goal of intellectual inquiry is knowledge, “not comfort.” She stated, “We serve that purpose best when we commit to open inquiry and freedom of expression as foundational values of our academic community. Our individual and collective capacity for discovery depends on our willingness to debate ideas; to expose and reconsider assumptions; to marshal facts and evidence; to talk and to listen with care and humility, and with the goal of deeper understanding and as seekers of truth.” At that time, Gay’s emphasis on free speech was at odds with the prevailing tone on campus, but she was known as a supporter of D.E.I., which dampened the risk of her words being seen as reactionary or insensitive.

The events of October 7th—and an open letterissued that day with signatures from more than thirty Harvard student groups, holding “the Israeli regime entirely responsible for all unfolding violence”—changed the terms of the academic-freedom debate. In a state of horror that fell over many people following October 7th, I was among thousands who signed a Harvard Hillel letter “unequivocally” standing “behind Israel and the Jewish people.” It called on the student groups to retract the “completely wrong and deeply offensive” letter, and on Harvard’s administration to condemn Hamas’s terror attacks, saying that the “failure to denounce these atrocities unequivocally is a moral stain on the university and its leadership.” In the following weeks, hundreds of students marched through the campus chanting slogans such as “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free,” and some protests disrupted classes and events. Students affiliated with Harvard Jews for Palestine occupied University Hall, which houses administrative offices, and which Vietnam War protesters also occupied in 1969. (The Crimson reported that multiple students were facing discipline for disruptions and the building occupation.) As members of the Harvard academic-freedom council feverishly shared their thoughts on our Listserv, I saw a number of faculty—who’d signed up for an organization devoted to the idea that speech that some considered offensive should be protected—endorse the view that the anti-Israel expression we were seeing was antisemitic, and should be treated not as free speech but as harassment, threats, or incitements to violence and declared beyond the pale.

The two sides had effectively flipped: activist students, whose politics overlapped with principles of D.E.I., were engaged in speech that some faculty members, who were supportive of academic freedom, now wanted the university to treat as harmful. As large video screens on a truck in Harvard Square, sent by the right-wing media company Accuracy in Media, displayed names and faces of students and labelled them “Harvard’s Leading Antisemites,” some in my faculty academic-freedom council did not want its début to be speaking on those students’ behalf. Perhaps faculty members reasoned that the exposure was a form of harsh criticism that might be expected as a consequence of provocative speech. I was increasingly concerned about the students’ safety and about my own responsibility to stand up for their academic freedom. By then, it had dawned on me that my signature on a letter calling on the university to condemn the attack in Israel, in a moment when students were being criticized for political speech against Israel, was implicitly—or not so implicitly—urging the university to denounce its own students.

In response to calls to punish the students, Gay said, “Our University embraces a commitment to free expression. That commitment extends even to views that many of us find objectionable, even outrageous. We do not punish or sanction people for expressing such views.” This is what a university president should say. But, to many who believed that Gay would have condemned speech that offended Black or transgender people, the invocation of free speech was an outrageous permission to offend Jews, exceptionally, at Harvard. (She later did condemn the phrase “from the river to the sea.”) A lawsuit filed earlier this month, claiming that Harvard “has become a bastion of rampant anti-Jewish hatred and harassment,” accuses the university of deliberate indifference to antisemitism, in violation of Title VI, which prohibits institutions that receive federal funding from discriminating “on the ground of race, color, or national origin.” The plaintiffs, a group of Jewish students, want a court to force Harvard to, among other things, suspend or expel students and fire employees for engaging in “antisemitic discrimination and abuse.” Resting on the assertion that “anti-Zionism is antisemitism,” the complaint describes a series of events that allegedly demonstrate that Harvard is hostile to Jews, mostly because it tolerates anti-Zionist speech.

The lawsuit claims, among other things, that Harvard should enforce its own harassment-and-bullying policies to discipline people. Understandably, many people believe that broad definitions of harassment and bullying prevail at Harvard. Yet most of the lawsuit’s descriptions of student protests, even the disruptive ones, do not appear to satisfy Harvard’s current definitions of discriminatory harassment or bullying, especially because the policies are supposed to be interpreted in light of the university’s commitment to academic freedom. The lawsuit describes a Jewish Israeli student being physically surrounded by protesters; the incident was captured in a viral video and is being investigated by law enforcement as a crime. That aside, the lawsuit appears less likely to succeed under federal anti-discrimination law, which makes it exceedingly difficult to prove an institution’s intentional discrimination, than to help move the Overton window on what can acceptably be said at a university about Israel and Palestine. (A pressure campaign against Derek Penslar, a highly respected professor of Jewish history, appears to have a similar goal. Penslar was recently appointed as co-chair of a new Harvard task force on antisemitism. Prominent critics objected, such as the former Harvard president Larry Summers, who called on Penslar to resign from the role, because of his past comments, which include the use of the word “apartheid” to describe Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.)

One reason that the disciplinary policies are drawn narrowly is so they won’t curtail the exchange of ideas on controversial matters. When Gay was asked by the congresswoman Elise Stefanik at a hearing in December whether “calling for the genocide of Jews” violates Harvard’s policies on harassment and bullying, Gay answered that it can, “depending on the context.” That outraged many people, because there should be no context in which a call for genocide is allowed. Gay could, indeed, have said that calls for genocide are unacceptable. And, as Harvard’s leader, Gay could also have educated Congress and the public about why a university that is devoted to open inquiry must have disciplinary policies that rarely treat offensive slogans or viewpoints as tantamount to actual “calls for genocide,” and even be wary of punishing “hate speech,” which in the U.S. is also constitutionally protected. Imagine if a university had a code of conduct under which expression of the viewpoint “the State of Israel should not exist,” or “Israel’s killing of Palestinians in Gaza is justified,” or, for that matter, “George Floyd’s death had nothing to do with race,” was punishable, rather than merely subject to sharp criticism by those who disagree or feel offended. The treatment of such controversial viewpoints as discrimination, harassment, or bullying would make any semblance of open inquiry on those topics impossible.

In response to congressional demands that Gay be fired following her testimony, I was one of more than seven hundred faculty who signed a letter to the Harvard Corporation, the university’s governing body, urging it to “resist political pressures that are at odds with Harvard’s commitment to academic freedom” and not fire her. The Corporation did, at first, back Gay. What her embattled leadership couldn’t survive in the end was the drip-drip of plagiarism accusations, which allowed the public to question whether academic standards were relaxed for Gay in her rise to the presidency. Having taken office just as Harvard was defeated in the Supreme Court case that eliminated race-based affirmative action in university admissions, she became the university’s first Black president at a moment of predictably gleeful bashing of diversity. And, as the first, she was inevitably going to be associated with affirmative action, as if her presidency were a holdover of a system that was now legally discredited. Gay was the perfect avatar for universities’ alleged abandonment of excellence and meritocracy in favor of efforts to promote diversity in élite institutions. Add to this brew the accusations of antisemitism and plagiarism, and her resignation seemed overdetermined. I don’t doubt that, as she wrote in the Times, her “inbox has been flooded with invective, including death threats,” and that she “has been called the N-word more times than I care to count.”

In her resignation letter, Gay wrote that, going forward, she hoped that the university “can navigate this moment of extraordinary challenge with a focus on the institution rather than any individual.” Congress’s continuing scrutiny of Harvard will surely bring proposals for institutional change. The House Committee on Education and the Workforce is investigating Harvard’s “response to antisemitism and its failure to protect Jewish students.” The House Committee on Ways and Means wrote to the current presidents of Harvard, M.I.T., the University of Pennsylvania, and Cornell that, “given the disappointing and lackluster responses by your respective universities to Hamas’ attacks and your subsequent failure to adequately protect Jewish students from discrimination and harassment,” the schools’ nonprofit, tax-exempt status may be at risk—which puts at stake billions of dollars. The committee, dominated by Republicans, juxtaposed the alleged inaction regarding antisemitism with Harvard’s alleged warning to students in a Title IX training that failing to use classmates’ preferred pronouns could constitute harassment, disinvitation of a feminist philosopher for comments on transgender issues, choice not to renew the contract of an instructor who had invited Charles Murray to speak in class, and request that students remove from their dormitory window an American flag printed with an image of a saluting, bikini-clad Nicki Minaj. The point was that Harvard has no credibility in invoking free speech because it has stifled other speech it considers discriminatory.

To demonstrate that it is against antisemitism, Harvard may face pressure to expand its definitions of discrimination, harassment, and bullying, so as to stifle more speech that is deemed offensive. In order to resist such pressures, the university needs to acknowledge that it has allowed a culture of censoriousness to develop, recommit itself to academic freedom and free speech, and rethink D.E.I. in a way that prizes the diversity of viewpoints. Though some argue that D.E.I. has enabled a surge in antisemitism, it is the pervasive influence of D.E.I. sensibilities that makes plausible the claim that universities should always treat anti-Zionist speech as antisemitism, much in the way that some have claimed that criticizing aspects of the Black Lives Matter movement—or even D.E.I. itself—is always discrimination. The post-Gay crisis has created a crossroads, where universities will be tempted to discipline objectionable speech in order to demonstrate that they are dedicated to rooting out antisemitism and Islamophobia, too. Unless we conscientiously and mindfully pull away from that path, academic freedom—which is essential to fulfilling a university’s purpose—will meet its destruction.

https://www.newyorker.com/news/the-weekend-essay/the-future-of-academic-freedom

Crafty_Dog

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Question:  The First Amendment applies to the Government.   Does it apply to private institutions such as Harvard?  Could Harvard not kick out a KKKer for running around calling black students "niggers"?


Body-by-Guinness

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Question:  The First Amendment applies to the Government.   Does it apply to private institutions such as Harvard?  Could Harvard not kick out a KKKer for running around calling black students "niggers"?
Harvard can call a person with a set of X/Y chromosomes a woman, and likely has done just that. What it can’t do is embrace the precepts of free inquiry when speech it favors is in play, abandon the same when speech it seeks to suppress instead emerges and then pretend free inquiry is indeed a heartfelt value, or apply civility standards to one side of an argument and then fail to when the other side of the argument displays analogous behavior and then feign surprise when donors, politicians, students, faculty, staff, or the general public calls them on aforesaid rank hypocrisy.

Crafty_Dog

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The intended purpose of my question is inqire whether Harvard is legally compelled to apply First Amendment standards or is it free to pick and choose.
« Last Edit: January 31, 2024, 02:07:58 PM by Crafty_Dog »

Body-by-Guinness

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The intended purpose of my question is enqire whether Harvard is legally compelled to apply First Amendment standards or is it free to pick and choose.
Uhm, as a private institution (albeit one that receives a shit ton of federal and other governmental funds and hence is bound by a metric ton of associated rules & regs, some of which I wrestle with as part of my day job) we both know the answer to that question, hence my joining regarding the larger issues.

Crafty_Dog

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You are right-- we both know the answer to that, but I would suggest any discussion of the issue include a discussion thereof.

Body-by-Guinness

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You are right-- we both know the answer to that, but I would suggest any discussion of the issue include a discussion thereof.

Okay. I confess I find the Socratic method irksome, particularly when it appears the goal is to, ah, inspire me to stake out specific ground I then presume I’ll be forced to defend, particularly when the issue has more than two poles, while the question seems designed to force me to embrace one of two.

But hey, feel free to state your position, whereupon I can perform an informed juice v. squeeze evaluation, one including the other balls I have in the air, like the 20,000 word complaint I just dashed off that will likely involve me in some whistleblower drama.

Crafty_Dog

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So noted  :-)

ccp

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As a student , I never really liked the Socratic method of teaching

I did not find it made me think more or help me learn anything

but maybe it was just me.....

distracted by girls thoughts......

 :-P

ccp

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The Hijab "card"
« Reply #1334 on: February 01, 2024, 08:38:59 AM »


ccp

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funny how the term "Christianityphobia" is never spoken.



Crafty_Dog

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Tom McDonald raps Satanism
« Reply #1338 on: February 03, 2024, 08:28:43 AM »

ccp

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Madison Square Garden hits back at racism claims
« Reply #1339 on: February 06, 2024, 08:36:43 AM »
Good for MSG

https://pagesix.com/2024/02/06/gossip/inside-madison-square-gardens-bizarre-feud-with-dr-neil-degrasse-tyson/

probably not long ago such a RACISM charge would result in the victim cowering and apologizing, hire and DEI person, and immediately look for a minority to fill a board spot.

today the tide is turning.


Body-by-Guinness

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Prof Seeks $21 Million for Suspension; Didn't Adjust Grades for Minorities
« Reply #1340 on: February 10, 2024, 09:00:05 AM »
This could go in a legal thread, but given the asshattery in question I'll drop it here:

UCLA prof suspended after refusing lenient grading for black students demands $19 million-plus in damages
JENNIFER KABBANY - FIX EDITOR •FEBRUARY 9, 2024

A professor who sued UCLA after he was suspended in the wake of the George Floyd-Black Lives Matter riots after refusing a request to grade black students leniently will soon get his day in court.

UCLA accounting lecturer Gordon Klein is demanding well over $19 million in damages in a lawsuit scheduled to go to trial March 4 in a Santa Monica courthouse.

The two sides have engaged in legal wrangling since September 2021, when Klein first filed suit — including a failed attempt by UCLA’s lawyers to get the case tossed by summary judgment.

The causes of action to be hashed out next month are breach of contract, retaliation, false light, and negligent interference with prospective earnings.

Klein’s attorney, Steve Goldberg, told The College Fix in a telephone interview this week the lion’s share of damages are based on the estimated loss of Klein’s expert witness practice income.

“That practice went to ashes right after he was suspended,” said Goldberg with the law firm
Markun, Zusman & Compton.

UCLA’s media relations division did not provide a comment on the lawsuit despite repeated requests this week.

Klein, who joined the UCLA Anderson School of Management in 1981, continues to teach as a full-time lecturer there. But his lawsuit alleges he made most of his money as a litigation expert.

He has testified, for example, in several high-profile court cases, including Michael Jackson’s wrongful death, Apple’s acquisition of Dr. Dre’s Beats headphones, and the valuation of General Motors’ assets in bankruptcy.

“He was one of the top damages experts in the country who was historically bringing in well over $1 million dollars a year and trending upwards when it happened,” Goldberg said.

Klein’s lawsuit alleges the controversy and bad press that surrounded him in June 2020 made him untouchable as a litigation expert.

The crux of the controversy took place following Floyd’s death, when Klein received a request asking that he provide academic leniency for his black students enduring emotional duress.

It was a relatively common request at the time among college students at several universities as the nation was gripped with racial tension and rioting.

Klein responded June 2, 2020, by asking how he was supposed to identify black students in the online class; whether he should also go easy on white students from Minneapolis; how much leeway to show half-black students; and how the student feels about Martin Luther King Jr.’s admonition to not evaluate people based on “the color of their skin.”

A screenshot of Klein’s response was distributed widely and decried by students in messages and on social media.

In response, Anderson School Dean Antonio Bernardo wrote in a June 4, 2020, memo to the campus community that Klein was suspended and an investigation was underway.

While not naming Klein specifically, Bernardo’s memo referred to the high-profile incident as “troubling conduct by one of our lecturers.”

“Conduct that demonstrates a disregard for our core principles, including an abuse of
power, is not acceptable,” he added. “…I deeply regret the increased pain and anger that our community has experienced at this very difficult time. We must and will hold each other to higher standards.”

Klein was reinstated less than a month later, but his lawsuit alleges the damage was already done. A petition calling for Klein to be fired garnered more than 21,000 signatures, stating: “We ask for your support in having Professor Klein’s professorship terminated for his extremely insensitive, dismissive, and woefully racist response to his students’ request for empathy and compassion during a time of civil unrest.”

A petition in support of Klein launched a week later drew nearly 77,000 signatures.

Klein’s lawsuit also alleges emotional distress, as he received death threats by phone and email, including antisemitic tropes. Under the causes of action, Dean Bernardo may be held personally liable for punitive damages.

UCLA, in court documents, has argued Bernardo’s memo did not take issue with Klein’s decision not to leniently grade black students — but rather his tone in response to the request.

However Klein’s attorneys argue that what UCLA did was basically punish the educator for following state and federal law that forbids discrimination on the basis of race.

“It’s a big case, not only because of the effect on Gordon Klein … but it obviously has important implications for academic freedom at the university level, which is a big hot topic around the country,” Goldberg told The Fix.

https://www.thecollegefix.com/ucla-prof-suspended-after-refusing-lenient-grading-for-black-students-demands-19-million-plus-in-damages/


Crafty_Dog

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