Author Topic: Politics at the State & Municipal level  (Read 38575 times)

Crafty_Dog

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« Last Edit: November 21, 2021, 05:23:17 PM by Crafty_Dog »

DougMacG

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Politics State level - anti JD Vance conservative column
« Reply #151 on: December 03, 2021, 07:38:37 AM »
Disappointed to read this; I was starting to like the guy.  One reason he is a current sensation is the $10 mil Peter Thiele already put behind him.  I see clever internet ads, 'learn the truth about JD Vance'.  It looks like a hit piece and leads you straight to campaign fluff.  Ohioans can sort this out but the rest of us don't want another Flake Murkowski taking a seat in what has become a strongly conservative state.

A lot of it is about his campaign adviser being from the Kasich camp.  Also his anti-Trump contributions on CNN.  Whatever those were, I'm sure they will come to light.  Also pro-Obamacare?  Anti 'right-to-work'?

https://pjmedia.com/columns/jasonhart/2021/12/02/kasich-republican-j-d-vance-the-worst-option-in-ohios-senate-race-n1538365

DougMacG

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sen. Tom Cotton: Get rid of Soros puppets
« Reply #152 on: December 23, 2021, 09:00:46 AM »
Sen. Tom Cotton:  Recall, remove, replace every last Soros supported prosecutor.  I would add, same for the the Soros funded  state level Secretaries of State who control (administer?) our elections.

https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2021/12/20/recall_remove__replace_every_last_soros_prosecutor_146914.html
« Last Edit: December 23, 2021, 09:20:10 AM by Crafty_Dog »

Crafty_Dog

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Another fine piece of analysis from McCarthy: This one on NY mask mandate
« Reply #153 on: January 29, 2022, 07:18:08 AM »
The New York Mask-Mandate Mess
By ANDREW C. MCCARTHY
January 29, 2022 6:30 AM


As our Michael Brendan Dougherty recounted Tuesday, confusion abounded Monday over the ramifications of a ruling by a state judge in Nassau County, which invalidated — however fleetingly — the New York mask mandate. Judge Thomas Rademaker’s six-page decision stemmed from a challenge to the mandate’s draconian application to children aged two and up.

Much of the confusion was sown, willfully it appears, by the authoritarian progressives who run the Empire State’s administrative state — in this instance, the Department of Education, which was leaping to the defense of its fellow technocrats in the Department of Health (and, derivatively, Kathy Hochul, the state’s accidental governor).

Judge Rademaker’s ruling has since been lawfully stayed. Yet, it was not stayed at the time the state agencies were claiming it was. It is always that way with Leviathan: Bank on the mind-numbing process being exploited. Bureaucrats — education, health, climate, wetlands, thought, etc., etc. — know they’ve conditioned people to believe that nothing ever happens quickly and that no one is big enough to take on the state. They have no compunction about because-I-say-so assertions that an administrative rule remains in effect, even if a court has ruled it infirm. They figure you benighted masses will assume that the wheels of some abstruse administrative process are slowly grinding and, therefore, that you’d better just comply if you know what’s good for you. By the time the masses realize they’ve been had, if they ever realize it, we’re five new controversies down the road.

In this instance, while the state Education Department was deceptively claiming that Judge Rademaker’s ruling had been stayed, Letitia James, the state’s progressive Democratic attorney general, was seeking a stay. It was granted by an appellate judge . . . but not until late Tuesday afternoon. In the interim, the state’s weird duck of a governor (MBD has that nailed, too), who is becoming a more progressive Democrat as she seeks to be elected (the recently Peter-Principled former lieutenant governor calls it “re-elected”), was insisting that Judge Rademaker’s ruling would not stand.


You may notice that, to this point, I have not described the courts involved. That’s because, this being New York, doing so adds further confusion to the mix. But here goes.

The state’s lower court is called the “Supreme Court.” Judge Rademaker is thus a Supreme Court judge. His is an elected position. Running as a Conservative Party candidate in Nassau County on Long Island, which trends more right-leaning than most of the state (a low bar, to be sure), Rademaker was elected to a ten-year term in 2014. Appeals from state Supreme Court rulings are directed to the Appellate Division, which has four “Departments.” Its judges are appointed by the governor. Appeals from Nassau County go to the Second Department, which is headquartered in blue, blue Brooklyn. There sits Justice Robert J. Miller, a Democrat appointed by former governor David Patterson (the Democrat who inhabited the governor’s mansion before the Democrat after him resigned in disgrace, but after the Democrat before him resigned in disgrace). At the conclusion of a “for appearances’ sake” hearing that took about a half-hour, Miller stayed Rademaker’s ruling.

This temporary stay will remain in place while the case crawls along the appeals process. Depending on what happens in the Appellate Division (gee, wonder what that will be . . .) the case could be appealed to the state’s highest judicial tribunal, the Court of Appeals (which, in New York, has supremacy over both the “Supreme Court” and the appeals court, a.k.a the “Appellate Division”). Its seven members — the chief judge and six associate judges — are appointed to 14-year terms by the governor . . . and the current incumbents are, naturally, appointees of Andrew Cuomo.

Enough said. And don’t worry, there is no test on your recall of the above — and certainly no math! Rest assured in any event that somewhere ’neath this morass, there must be a “Grand High Exalted Mystic Ruler” and They/Them is undoubtedly a bureaucrat.


Are we clear? Good.

Now, just for guano and giggles, let’s suspend disbelief and pretend that the law — remember that? — has some attenuated connection to all this theater. Were that the case, we wouldn’t need to strain our brains if we paid attention to President Biden’s OSHA vaccine mandate. This is the Empire State version of that federal constitutional controversy.

A good deal of reporting, as well as such Republican critics as Congresswoman Elise Stefanik, refer to the subject of the dispute as Governor Hochul’s mask mandate. Not true, at least not technically. At issue is a state Department of Health rule, not a gubernatorial executive order.

As a matter of law, Hochul is impotent to issue a mask mandate. Nothing in New York’s state constitution empowers the chief executive to decree such mandates. Separation-of-powers principles theoretically apply to the three branches of state government the same way they apply to the federal government under the U.S. Constitution. A “mandate” is a law, and laws have to be enacted by the legislature. The governor and the sprawling bureaucracy (the state’s administrative state) may promulgate rules if the legislature delegates that authority; but they are confined to what the legislature has authorized them to do — they may not go beyond it.

It is not enough to say the state legislature has not empowered Governor Hochul to issue a mask mandate. In the initial months of the Covid pandemic, then-Governor Cuomo issued numerous mandates, rationalizing that public health required them, and statutory emergency authority authorized him to decree them. But between Cuomo’s reckless directive ordering nursing homes to accept Covid-infected patients and his hands-on (ahem) supervision of female staffers, state lawmakers came under increasing pressure to impeach him. As most of them were Cuomo cronies, they groped — uh, let me rephrase — they struggled for ways to emote their disgust without, you know, actually doing anything. One such exhibition was legislation that curtailed the governor’s ability to issue emergency decrees.

Good show! Except for the inconvenience that, as a matter of law, it was not a show; it was binding legislation. After Cuomo was cashiered, the Accidental Governor replaced him, and . . . Omicron happened.

As we’ve already recounted, not content with hitting the lottery once, Hochul wants to be “re-elected.” New Yorkers, like most Americans, may be fed up with inept pandemic governance, but politically speaking, New York is a Democratic-machine state, increasingly run by hard-Left progressives. They will heavily influence the determination of a nominee. It is progressive dogma — The Science notwithstanding — that cloth masks protect us from microbes. So if the Progs want masks, Hochul says, “Let there be masks . . . on everyone . . . on pain of listening to more of my speeches.”

But see, she can’t say that actionably because the legislature swiped that power from her predecessor. Meaning she needs . . . yes . . . wait for it . . . a work-around.

That’s what White House chief of staff Ron Klain touted, remember? President Biden wanted to issue a national vaccine mandate, but even this White House — having already been slapped down by the Supreme Court — knew that wouldn’t fly. So what to do? The administration’s legal beagles scoured the statute books and the Code of Federal Regulations that set out each administrative agency’s authority. The point, as the strangely guileless Klain revealed, was to come up with a “work-around” — a patchwork of enabling statutes and rules that spell out what administrative agencies such as OSHA are authorized to do, and which those agencies and executive-branch lawyers then stretch to the breaking point (and beyond) in order to rationalize whatever they want to do. Thus did the Biden administration attempt, in futility, to convince the high court that OSHA’s enabling statutes authorized it to promulgate a workplace rule requiring Covid vaccinations (or alternatively regular testing, designed to be so burdensome that people would see vaccination as the only practical option).

That is what New York is trying to do. Bereft of the necessary emergency authority, Hochul had the lawyers scrutinize the array of state health statutes and regulations in order to mine some that might plausibly be seen as authorizing the Health Department to issue its mask rule. As Judge Rademaker concluded, they don’t. Since there is no statutory authorization, the rule must be seen as law making rather than a mere application of existing law. The Health Department has no power to legislate. Ergo, Rademaker ruled, the rule violates New York’s constitution.

So, it’s essentially the same case as OSHA. But just as a fly ball down the right-field line may be the same thing at Fenway Park and Citifield, that doesn’t mean it will have the same result. In New York’s courts, as we reach the rarefied ranks, progressivism rules. As the Supreme Court’s opinions in the two Biden mandate cases illustrate, progressive jurists can be relied on to uphold administrative power if it is being exploited by a Democratic administration. Such quaint niceties as separation of powers and statutory provisions must not be permitted to obstruct administrative experts who are just selflessly trying to do the right thing to save lives. Oh, and let’s not forget, science!

There is no masking that . . . except in New York.

DougMacG

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Michele Tafoya ripped by MSNBC over CRT, Kendall Qualls responds
« Reply #154 on: February 24, 2022, 01:40:17 PM »
https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2022/02/24/an_open_letter_to_critics_of_michele_tafoya__147242.html
[Kendall Qualls is a businessman, U.S. Army veteran, and candidate for the Republican nomination for governor of Minnesota.]

To MSNBC’s Tiffany Cross, Joy Reid, and the crew at “The View,” I am standing shoulder-to-shoulder with my friend and new co-chair of my gubernatorial campaign, Michele Tafoya. Not only is Michele right to criticize critical race theory (CRT) and promote the idea that skin color shouldn’t matter, but she’s also encouraging us toward achieving Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s dream.

I know you are familiar with his famous 1963 Lincoln Memorial speech. Based on your comments, it seems you have forgotten its objective. Let me remind you of a few key points. The Rev. King said, “I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream that one day in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification … little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.”

Critical race theory flies in the face of these words and the principles for which Martin Luther King was martyred. CRT is a leftist agenda shrouded in harmless-sounding words – equity, inclusion, and culturally responsive teaching among others – to hide its radical intent. It has been injected into government, corporations, and yes, as Michele Tafoya said, even our schools. Critics of CRT are not just white Americans but also a growing of number black Americans, just like me, who recognize its harmful and divisive intent.

Before you dismiss me with some lame slur and try to de-legitimize me as an inauthentic voice of the black community, take a moment to learn my story. As a boy, I lived in poverty in the gang-infested housing projects of Harlem in the late 1960s. From there, I was uprooted to a trailer park in Oklahoma. I’ve witnessed the demise of my siblings, my mother, and countless other African Americans to the cruel world of government-sanctioned poverty of the inner cities.

By the grace of God, I escaped that life, obtained an education, got married, and raised five children who are now functioning adults serving their communities. To answer your unspoken (and offensive) question, yes, I am married to a black woman. We have five black children together. We even have a black Labrador retriever. I pledged the same fraternity as the first black Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. – Alpha Phi Alpha. My wife pledged in the first black sorority – Alpha Kappa Alpha.

We are children of parents who were raised in the Jim Crow south. We were baptized in a black church by a black pastor, and we are not confused about who we are or where we have come from when we look in the mirror every day.

Don’t waste time trying to marginalize me. Instead, explain to your readers and viewers the real reason we see such significant disparities in comparison to other ethnic groups. Black families were stronger during the worst of times – when our country actually was systemically racist – than they are today. Since Dr. King’s death, the black community has drastically changed from approximately 80% two-parent families to approximately 80% fatherless homes, all without one national initiative to reverse the trend.

You and I both know the real reason for disparities isn’t skin color. The disparities can be attributed to a reason you and others of your ilk are afraid to talk about – the epidemic of fatherless homes and the poor performance of schools in cities run by Democrats.

For the last 50 years, we have experienced a cultural genocide in our community coupled with the complete silence of the media including you and your pals. The number one driver of that change was and is social welfare programs, like Aid to Families with Dependent Children launched during the LBJ Administration in the mid-1960s. This program drove fathers from the home by incentivizing women to have children and remain unmarried, leaving generations of children without the benefit of learning social norms and a work ethic, or having the benefit of a stable home environment. This was the beginning of disparity that continues today.

Today, we have generations of people who have never entered a church for a wedding but frequently enter churches for funerals because of black-on-black crime.

The sacrifices of our most iconic civil rights leaders were meant to yield opportunities and outcomes for the lives of millions of black Americans, like me, who escaped poverty through hard work, faith, and education. But you want to convince our children they are victims of a system that was designed to keep them down.

Before you demean Michele Tafoya, who is brave enough to speak the truth, try and listen for a moment to the millions of other black Americans, me included, who refuse to buy into the cult of victimhood.
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Crafty_Dog

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Crafty_Dog

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WT: Abortion supercharges gubernatorial races
« Reply #156 on: June 27, 2022, 01:25:01 AM »
SUPREME COURT

Abortion ruling supercharges gubernatorial races

BY SETH MCLAUGHLIN THE WASHINGTON TIMES

Josh Shapiro is a staunch pro-choice Democrat and Doug Mastriano is a staunchly pro-life Republican.

The abortion views of the two gubernatorial candidates in Pennsylvania are now going to get more attention with the Supreme Court’s decision to kick the issue back to the states.

”The governor’s race becomes paramount because of the governor’s veto power,” said John Cordisco, former chairman of the Bucks County Democrats in Pennsylvania.

“It is one thing to have a court decision, it is another to have legislation,” Mr. Cordisco said of the pending battle. “Now the issue of abortion is going to be front and center in the governor’s race.”

President Biden and congressional Democrats said the landmark ruling puts “Roe on the ballot” in the midterm elections, where they are defending their fragile hold on the House and the Senate and facing significant headwinds.

Odds are, though, that the most pressing abortion-related battles will play out at the state level now that governors can sign off on or reject efforts to expand abortion access.

The ruling had an immediate impact in about a dozen red states that passed “trigger laws” to reduce abortion just in case the justices overturned Roe, the 1973 ruling that legalized abortion nationwide.

In Wisconsin, the ruling could reinstate a state law passed in 1849 that banned Wisconsin doctors from performing abortions unless the pregnant person’s life is at risk.

Gov. Tony Evers of Wisconsin, who is running for reelection in a “toss-up” race, said the “grim news” left him heartbroken.

“It’s now up to the states to protect access to abortion,” Mr. Evers said. “I’ve already vetoed nine extreme Republican bills. As long as governor I will do everything in my power to protect reproductive health care.”

“Can you join my team in this fight to protect choice?” he said.

In Georgia, the decision cleared the way for an anti-abortion law that Republican Gov. Brian Kemp signed in 2019, sparking criticism from his Democratic rival Stacey Abrams.

“This callous decision proves once again that Georgians cannot afford four more years of a governor who puts his personal politics ahead of Georgians,” Ms. Abrams said.

She vowed to work with the state legislature “to reverse the draconian law that will now rule our state.”

That is easier said than done. Even if Ms. Abrams wins, Republicans are still expected to keep calling the shots in the state legislature, which they’ve controlled for nearly two decades.

Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, another vulnerable Democrat, faces a similar situation in Michigan, where Republicans rule the legislative roost. There is a good chance the best hope Democrats have of changing a 1931 state law that bans abortion, except if the pregnant person’s life is at risk, is an initiative pro-choice activists are trying to get on the ballot that would enshrine the right to an abortion in Michigan’s Constitution.

In a fundraising appeal, Ms. Whitmer said the ruling was “devastating” and warned that “Michigan’s dangerous abortion ban could go back into effect — making abortion a felony in Michigan.”

“I am running against a slew of opponents who want Michigan’s abortion ban to stay in place. With abortion access on the line this November, every contribution is critical,” she said.

It is a different story in states like Pennsylvania, where state law dictates abortions are legal for up to 24 weeks and if the pregnant patient’s life or health is endangered.

Gov. Tom Wolf, a Democrat, now stands as the last line of defense for pro-choice advocates against the Republican-controlled state legislature. His successor will determine what happens next.

“It is in all likelihood going to be a Republican legislature and depending on who gets elected governor, the impact on reproductive rights is going to be incredibly significant,” said Christopher P. Borick, a political science professor and director of the Muhlenberg College Institute of Public Opinion. “The conditions are in place in Pennsylvania — perhaps more so than any place in the country — to make this decision front and center in the race for governor.”

“We know the Republican-led legislature is going to put a bill on the desk of the next governor to ban all abortions,” Mr. Shapiro, a former state attorney general, said in a social media post. “I will veto that bill and protect abortion rights here in Pennsylvania, but my opponent he will sign it into law.”

Polls show that most voters are more concerned with inflation, the economy and other issues than they are about abortion access.

“Those who are really concerned about abortion — especially liberal women — already vote Democratic anyway,” said Steve Mitchell, a Michigan-based GOP strategist. “So the question becomes: What will the impact be on independent women?”

Still, Mr. Mitchell said voter attitudes could change now that the long-anticipated ruling is a reality.

“It is one thing to be told a decision is coming down, it is another thing to have the decision come down,” he said. “Now voters have to deal with the reality that in Michigan unless there is a concern about the life of the mother, you can’t get an abortion.”

DougMacG

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State Senate control 2021-2022
« Reply #157 on: August 24, 2022, 06:19:36 AM »
Republicans control 32 state senate chambers.  Democrats control 18.

Image, red blue map:
https://mcusercontent.com/dc8d30edd7976d2ddf9c2bf96/images/30e39081-23ca-0f46-97d1-e6946026f5cf.png

In the state House chambers the margin is 30 R to 18 Dem.

How is it that we can't:
a) Force a fair and cheat-free election process,
b) elect 60 US Senators
c) win consistently in the electoral college?
« Last Edit: November 09, 2022, 04:30:15 AM by DougMacG »

Crafty_Dog

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Stratfor: Sun Belt to Dust Belt
« Reply #158 on: August 30, 2022, 02:30:40 PM »
From Sun Belt to Dust Belt: Can U.S. Desert States Stave Off Their Decline?
undefined and Stratfor Middle East and North Africa Analyst at RANE
Ryan Bohl
Stratfor Middle East and North Africa Analyst at RANE, Stratfor
13 MIN READAug 30, 2022 | 20:58 GMT





The water intake towers at the Hoover Dam in Lake Mead, Arizona, are seen on Aug. 19, 2022.
The water intake towers at the Hoover Dam in Lake Mead, Arizona, are seen on Aug. 19, 2022.

(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)

The desert Sun Belt states of Arizona and Nevada have seen some of the fastest growth in the United States for the past half century, but if climate projections are accurate, that growth might turn into a decline as temperatures soar and critical resources like water run low. But it's not only climate change that's challenging their growth models: from affordability to education, the states are facing a need to update the ways they attract migrants to replace an aging population that's having fewer children. Without a strategic reaction to the pressures on population growth, Arizona and Nevada could start seeing a slowdown in migration — and even an exodus, as the years wear on. If that happens, it'll create pressures on the strategic industries, from tech to defense, that call the region home, and could bring a new form of populism — Dust Belt populism — into American politics that demands radical solutions to their problems.

The Rise of the Sun Belt
The American Sun Belt spans the whole of the southern United States, from Los Angeles in California to Charleston in South Carolina, and is characterized by mild winters, hot summers, and lots of sunshine hours throughout the year. For centuries, it was notoriously underdeveloped by the Spanish, French and British empires and then the United States, as its climate and resource base favored wide-scale cash crops like cotton and tobacco but little industrial development up until the end of the 19th century. After the Civil War and the rapid colonization of the American West, industrialization rapidly reached the milder climates of coastal California.

But notably, settlers largely skipped over the Sun Belt's harshest region — the Sonoran and Mojave Deserts of Arizona and Nevada. With little water (and much of the groundwater brackish) and long hot summers, only the more enterprising of miners seeking gold, silver and copper strikes, and farmers living by unstable desert rivers like the Salt River, could eke out a living in the tiny communities that would one day make up the heart of the American Southwest.

As the 20th century dawned, however, technology began to erode the bitterness of life in the desert. Railways brought food, fuel and luxury goods to budding communities like Phoenix and Yuma. Hydroelectric dams, starting with the Salt River Project in 1903, eventually brought lights — and most importantly, water. Industrialized, corporate mining tore through the landscape at a much greater speed and efficiency than the wildcat miners of the 19th century (one of Arizona's nicknames is ''The Copper State,'' and even in 2017 it produced 68% of U.S. copper). Farming communities sprang up that could grow East Coast summer crops in the dead of winter, while air conditioning, invented in 1903 and widespread by the 1930s, took the edge off the harsh desert summers. With the climate now tamed by technology, there came the region's economic slogan of ''the five C's'' — climate, copper, copper, cattle and citrus.

The U.S. federal government saw interest in the region, too. With World War II and the Cold War, Washington needed lots of cheap land to test new weapons (like the atomic bomb, the F-16 fighter jet and the F116 stealth fighter), often in secret, bringing the military and swarms of contractors to Arizona and Nevada. Mushroom clouds were visible from Las Vegas as late as the 1950s, while Nevada's infamous secret bases, including possibly Area 51, based the Cold War U-2 spy plane and served as the proving ground for stealth technology.

And because the region was last to be settled in the United States, land remained cheap in Arizona and Nevada, leading to a boom in single-family housing that sprawled across the desert expanses. Economic growth abounded in the post-war years and brought millions to the region. Between 1950 and 2020, Phoenix's population grew from just over 100,000 people to 1.6 million people (with 4.9 million in the metro area, which includes satellite cities like Tempe, Glendale, and Peoria). Within that same period, the population of Las Vegas also grew from 25,000 to 641,000 people (with 2.3 million in the metro area, which includes satellite cities like North Las Vegas and Paradise).

As a result, the two states grew in political and strategic importance. Despite still being dwarfed by more populous states like California, Texas and New York, both Nevada and Arizona parlayed their rising stature into national influence, Arizona produced swing-state senators like John McCain and libertarian ideologues like Barry Goldwater, while Nevada contributed former Democratic majority leader Harry Reid. This political influence helped cement their importance for federal spending in defense and education, creating the ecosystem that has since lured big tech companies like IBM and Motorola to the region, as well as more recently chip manufacturers like Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturer Company (TMSC).

Beginning to Blister
But the first of those ''five C's'' — climate — is turning sour. The region has been in a so-called ''megadrought'' since 2000 (though there's now a debate as to whether it's really a drought or if this is an ''old normal'' that's reasserted itself after a wetter-than-usual 20th century). On Aug. 16, the U.S. federal government announced that starting in January 2023 it would impose water cuts on all the states (and Mexico) that rely on the dwindling Colorado River. Of those states, Arizona and Nevada will take the biggest hits, losing 21% and 8% of the water they currently receive from the river, respectively. For Arizona and Nevada, these cuts will hammer at least three of their other ''C's'' — citrus, cattle and cotton, which are among the water-hungry agricultural sectors that will be first to cut back.

But climate change is not just affecting water. Projections suggest summer temperatures in Phoenix and Las Vegas will average well over 110 degrees Fahrenheit by 2100, placing them among the ranks of current cities in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Such scorching temperatures will wither crops, feed wildfires, and contribute to the perception that perhaps the desert is once again unlivable, deterring tourists from the Las Vegas Strip and Arizona shopping malls for parts of the year.


There's also the challenge of remaining an attractive place to live, work and (in the case of the region's substantial retiree populations) die. Both Arizona and Nevada are now both performing poorly on ''best places to live'' surveys, driven by low state spending on education, worsening cost of living, and healthcare affordability. In 2022, CNBC ranked Nevada the 39th best state to live in the United States; Arizona ranked dead last at 50th, driven by poor education systems, worsening cost of living, and controversial political climate.

Arizona and Nevada rank toward the bottom for education spending, with the former spending only $8,800 per student and the latter spending barely above $9,100 per student (compared with Texas's $9,900, California's $13,600, and New York state's $24,900. Both Arizona and Nevada struggle with teacher shortages as well due to the low wages offered by schools in both states, which deter people from entering the profession. For those considering relocating with children, neither state's schooling systems are necessarily a selling point.

Like many cities across the United States, the once-cheap housing tracts in Phoenix and Las Vegas have also skyrocketed in value in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, pricing out many first-time buyers. Phoenix alone saw a 32% increase in home prices, the steepest in the nation, in 2021. Internal politics suggests that the price increase could be a permanent one: strictly enforced single-family zoning means that denser, cheaper housing is in short supply (and will continue to be so), while newer homes will be built farther and farther out from the amenities, workplaces and services new residents want. Long commute times aside, some will weigh in their minds the possibility of another sudden surge in gas prices — like the one caused by the global shocks following Russia's invasion of Ukraine — as another reason to avoid cities that force miles of commutes.

There are also both looming political problems in Arizona and (to a lesser extent) Nevada. Arizona, in particular, is at the center of ongoing controversies surrounding the outcome of the 2020 U.S. presidential election. With the state's politics focused more on such national issues, mitigating crises within Arizona — like housing, education spending, and water management — is left up to cities with limited resources. Meanwhile, the states themselves are squabbling over who should face cuts, worried about domestic political backlash from citizens who find lawns drying up and farmland collapsing.

The Rise of a Dust Belt?
Arizona and Nevada will cement their reputations as being poor places to live without improvements to these climate, economic, social and political problems. Both states may welcome fewer and fewer new residents, while current residents — including critical businesses — increasingly consider packing up for greener pastures (figuratively and literally) as well. As the years wear on toward the 2030s, Arizona and Nevada might also fail to replace their Baby Boomer retiree populations, as that sizeable segment of the population begins to die, taking with them the jobs and services that are used to support their retirement communities.

This decline has happened before in U.S. history — in the Rust Belt, the stretch of states from New York to Illinois that rapidly industrialized in the 19th and early 20th centuries and then found themselves unable to adapt to the challenges of the modern era. Even now, the populations of some cities in those Rust Belt states, like Syracuse in upstate New York, continue to shrink.

This migratoory pattern is possible because the U.S. is the fourth largest country in the world by land; Americans can readily relocate to an entirely new climate and geographic landscape — all without having to leave their home country, as they did from the Rust Belt when the region began to lose its luster. Those living in U.S. desert cities like Phoenix and Las Vegas can also more easily escape to cooler and wetter areas, compared with desert cities elsewhere in the world like Riyadh, where Saudis have more or less no choice but to face climate change head-on given the lack of climate diversity in their country.

Indeed, a narrative that the deserts are increasingly unlivable could collide with expensive or unattractive housing and lifestyles and deter fresh migration. In that case, a so-called Dust Belt might emerge, with stagnating or shrinking populations in Las Vegas, Phoenix, Tucson, and Yuma creating a reputation of decline that only furthers the decline. And once that reputation takes hold, it's very hard to shake off.

And when declinism becomes the narrative for a city, it also accompanied rises in drug abuse and crime, which only furthered the narrative of decline. Cities like Detroit and New York saw surges of organized and individual crime throughout their toughest years in the 1970s and 1980s. But unlike the Rust Belt, the Dust Belt would be on the border with Mexico, where the influence of cartels could more readily creep northward through the social decay. That could make the Dust Belt a much greater strategic problem than the Rust Belt ever was.

A Dust Belt would also pressure those strategic industries that rely on well-educated workers. It would be no simple feat for the military, defense and tech companies to relocate, especially when they've already invested heavily in major infrastructures like factories and military bases. They might be stuck with struggling to attract talented workers and paying more for those they do attract. Meanwhile, those that could, especially in the private sector, would likely be planning their own exit from the region.

And if there is a Dust Belt, it's likely it will accompany the invention of a new type of populism that will further destabilize American politics. The resentful politics of the Rust Belt helped produce the anti-globalization and nativist populist nationalism that has gripped America's right in the past decade; their uniting quality was anger at the ruling establishment that they saw as sending their jobs overseas or undermining their wages through immigration.

Those who stay in the Dust Belt will doubtless be just as angry. It's hard to say exactly what Dust Belt populism would believe in, though assuredly it would demand expensive investments in the region to offset climate change (like the increasingly touted Mississippi-to-the-Colorado River canal or pipe system that early estimates suggest would cost $23 billion). If the cartels exploit social decay, this Dust Belt populism would probably be deeply nativist as well, even nationalist, as the cartels could bring the kind of crime to Phoenix and Las Vegas that New York and Detroit experienced in the 1970s. And there is also a chance that Dust Belt populism might even be radically environmentalist, demanding rapid shifts in Federal policies to slow the climate decay of their own region. They might embrace the environmental rhetoric of groups like the Extinction Rebellion, demanding a rapid end to fossil fuels, or even become a base of recruitment for extremist environmental groups that engage in eco-terror throughout the United States.

Not a Fait Accompli
However, none of these trends are fatal or deterministic. New York City went through similar Rust Belt challenges but by the early 1990s had returned to growth; by the 2010s, had even pushed down crime to record low levels. The city met the economic challenge of deindustrialization, pivoting into finance, technology and tourism, to solve its economic woes, while embracing new technologies and police tactics to combat crime and investing in rehabilitating its abandoned homes and apartments to fight the image of a city in permanent decline. With adaptation, New York City overcame the challenges of its era.

But as a warning to the Sun Belt desert cities, not all Rust Belt cities were able to do as well as New York. Some, like Gary, Indiana, could never find a replacement for their vital industry — in Gary's case, steel — once that industry moved on from the city. And as a result, Gary remains in decline. Detroit, Michigan, was able to hold its vital industry — automobiles — but still couldn't fight the perception of a city still falling apart; Detroit lost 10% of its population between 2010 and 2020.

In the Rust Belt, New York City, as it turns out, was more exception than the rule. More importantly, none of these changes happened overnight. The Rust Belt's decline began in the 1960s and continues in some places to this day, driven by major headline-making events like the race riots in Detroit in 1965, along with less publicized (but no less substantial) trends like rising labor costs and changing patterns of government spending.

There remains some time before the prospect of a Dust Belt becomes a real existential threat to Phoenix, Las Vegas, Yuma and Tucson. But as the experience of the Rust Belt shows, if the process gets steadily underway, it will take years, even decades, for the region's governments to turn the perception around.

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Law and Order for Oregon
« Reply #159 on: September 06, 2022, 01:46:23 PM »
A Law-and-Order Leader for Oregon
As governor, Christine Drazan would fully fund state police.
By Larry Hogan
Sept. 5, 2022 11:26 am ET


With even Democrats like Joe Biden now distancing themselves from the defund-the-police movement, it’s time to put this far-left lunacy to rest. Nowhere in America is there a clearer opportunity for change than in Oregon, where Republican Christine Drazan is running for governor to move her state in a new pro-law-enforcement direction. I’ll be campaigning for her there this week.

Oregon was one of the centers of this dangerous movement. In 2020, when riots broke out in Portland, city and state leaders seemed more concerned with blaming police than restoring order and holding violent rioters accountable. Instead of backing up law enforcement, Portland politicians passed reckless measures to defund it. The results have been predictable and tragic: Homicides surged 207% in less than two years.

Compare this with Maryland. In 2015 I had been governor only 89 days when the worst violence in 47 years erupted in Baltimore. When then-Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake said she wanted to give the rioters “space” to “destroy,” I made clear that approach was unacceptable.

I declared a state of emergency and sent 1,000 additional police officers and 4,000 National Guardsmen to the city. We allowed peaceful protests but immediately stopped the violence. I walked the streets of Baltimore to lower the temperature and listen to concerns.

In the summer of 2020, the success of our peace-through-strength approach was clear. While cities across America were facing unrest, Baltimore was peaceful, and the community worked with the police to keep the city safe. While Portland was defunding police, I enacted a Re-Fund the Police Initiative, which invested $500 million in law enforcement.

A breakdown of law and order only harms the most vulnerable among us. While homelessness is out of control in Oregon, we’ve reduced it in Maryland by 24%.


The people of my deep-blue state, including Democrats and independents, have stood with us because they knew I would never put politics or ideology before public safety. That’s exactly the common-sense approach that Christine Drazan would bring, and that’s why I believe she can win and be successful in a blue state.

She would fully fund state police and increase the number of officers across Oregon, work to make sure violent criminals are held accountable, and crack down on the supply of deadly drugs such as fentanyl and the gangs that bring them into communities.

Few ideas have been more destructive to the U.S. in recent years than “defund the police.” With violent crime rising across America and police recruitment, retention and morale at all-time lows, it’s important that we begin reversing the damage by electing pro-law-enforcement leaders. Other Republican gubernatorial candidates, like Joe Lombardo in Nevada and Mark Ronchetti in New Mexico, are running great campaigns focused on supporting law enforcement, but a vote for change in Oregon would be heard all across the country.

I urge Oregonians to set their state and our nation on a new course by electing Christine Drazan.

Mr. Hogan, a Republican, is governor of Maryland.

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MD: Patriotic black Dem candidate for Gov looks likely to win
« Reply #160 on: September 12, 2022, 07:30:36 AM »
This can be a formidable message for the Dems:
==================================

MARYLAND

Democrat seizes GOP mantle of patriotism

Moore cites Army in bid for governor

BY MICA SOELLNER THE WASHINGTON TIMES

Maryland gubernatorial candidate Wes Moore is using his military record and a pro-America agenda to remind voters that Republicans don’t hold a monopoly on patriotism.

The Army combat veteran and firsttime Democratic candidate said he takes patriotism “very, very seriously.” “I look at my history where I was willing to put my life on the line for this country, and I would do it all over again because I believe in what this country is and what this country can be for so many other people,” he said in an interview with The Washington Times.

At first glance, the candidate’s rhetoric sounds more like the talking points out of a Republican playbook than a Democratic campaign in a reliably blue state.

Mr. Moore, the undisputed frontrunner in the governor’s race, intends to knock down Republican attacks that portray Democrats as anti-patriotic or

promoting an “America Last” agenda.

Alongside running mate Aruna Miller, he is telling voters they will level the playing field, enhance public safety and change the attitude in their party about embracing American ideals.

Stella Rouse, a government and politics professor at the University of Maryland, said Mr. Moore’s approach could appeal to more independent and persuadable Republican voters.

“Particularly, the way he is approaching the campaign, he is trying to reach out to non-Trump-like Republicans, who certainly exist in a state like Maryland,” she said.

“In a state like Maryland, his progressive platform is going to appeal to many, but obviously, I think, he needs to be mindful and he’s very conscious about the fact that he wants to bring people together in a Biden mold, even though I would argue he is more progressive than the president.”

Mr. Moore is coming on strong ahead of Election Day with a 10-1 fundraising advantage over his Republican opponent, state Delegate Dan Cox, who has been endorsed by former President Donald Trump.

Gov. Larry Hogan, a Republican serving two terms, is ineligible to run for reelection because of state term limits.

Maryland is typically a safely Democratic state. Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden won by wide margins over Mr. Trump. Mr. Moore campaigned with Mr. Biden last month in Rockville.

The Democrat has painted Mr. Cox as an extremist for attending Mr. Trump’s “Stop the Steal” rally in Washington that preceded the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol.

“When I talk about patriotism, my definition of patriotism is putting on a uniform and leaving my family to go serve this country overseas in Afghanistan. [Mr. Cox’s] definition of patriotism is putting on a baseball cap and calling others to storm the Capitol on Jan. 6,” Mr. Moore said.

Mr. Cox has distanced himself from accusations that he is too right-wing for Maryland. He counters that Mr. Moore is politically out of touch with moderates and independents in the state.

“He’s too left. I’m actually very moderate. I am focused on the issues that people believe in Maryland: less taxes, more freedom, more parental involvement. That’s what everybody wants, and [Mr. Moore] wants the exact opposite,” Mr. Cox told The Washington Times.

Mr. Moore has adopted the militaryinspired campaign slogan of “Leave Nobody Behind.” He said he will fight to make Maryland more competitive in attracting businesses and expanding opportunities in low-income and minority communities.

Promoting his personal story of triumph, Mr. Moore focuses on the power of opportunity rather than the barriers of institutional racism that other Democrats emphasize.

“I think about my life and the opportunities that I had. There’s no place else where a story like mine could be real,” Mr. Moore said.

Mr. Moore grew up in a single-parent household. He was 3 years old when his father died of an infection from a rare virus.

At 17, he joined the Army. He received an associate degree from Valley Forge Military Academy and College in 1998 and later graduated from Johns Hopkins University.

He was the first Black student from his alma mater to receive a Rhodes Scholarship, and he served as a White House fellow in the Bush administration to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

Mr. Moore emphasizes his roots in his book about himself and a Baltimore man with the same name who grew up under similar circumstances but ended up on a drastically different path.

“The Other Wes Moore” ended up dealing drugs and engaging in crime and is serving a life sentence for the murder of a security guard during a robbery.

Mr. Moore, the gubernatorial candidate, shares the story to highlight the dichotomy of educational opportunities and having family support.

He said he wants to expand educational opportunities and close the racial achievement gap by promoting opportunities in science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) and deepening access to career and technical education opportunities.

The candidate said he hopes to shore up learning gaps driven by the pandemic by expanding after-school programs and tutoring resources.

If elected, Mr. Moore will be the first Black governor of Maryland, but he isn’t interested in being just a footnote in history books.

“The future of Maryland is personal to me,” he said. “I know that Maryland can be a state where we leave nobody behind because we’ve left too many behind. Opportunity has not been apportioned fairly in the state, but we can build and grow it in a way that everybody can benefit.

===============

edited to add:

Hogan donors give nearly four times as much to Moore campaign as Cox

BY EMMETT GARTNER CAPITAL NEWS SERVICE ANNAPOLIS | Republican Gov. Larry Hogan has distanced himself from GOP gubernatorial nominee Dan Cox since Maryland’s primary elections in July. Now, so are some of Mr. Hogan’s former campaign donors.

Democratic nominee Wes Moore has received nearly four times as much in donations from Mr. Hogan’s former financial supporters as has Mr. Cox, according to data analysis by Capital News Service.

Between July 19 and Aug. 23, following the primary elections and until the most recent campaign reporting period, former Hogan donors gave Mr. Moore’s campaign $117,861. During that same span, the governor’s former donors sent a mere $29,727 to Mr. Cox.

Mr. Cox raised a total of $195,000 and Mr. Moore raised nearly $1.9 million in the last reporting period, according to the Maryland State Board of Elections campaign finance report.

Included on Mr. Moore’s list of former Hogan donors is a political action committee for the Maryland Asphalt Association, which donated $5,000, and two energy utilities — Baltimore Gas and Electric, whose political action committee donated $1,000, and Benfield Electric Co., which donated $2,000.

Donations range from the maximum allowable amount per individual, $6,000, to $10. Donors included real estate firms, plumbing contractors, health care workers, lawyers and individuals.

Most of the Hogan-to-Moore donors that Capital News Service contacted declined to comment on their campaign contributions. Some were lobbyists who cited narrow political lines they did not want to cross, and others were business owners that wanted to keep their political connections private, despite the public availability of campaign donation data.

Nina Kasniunas, chair of the political science department at Goucher College, explained in an interview with Capital News Service why she believes some former Hogan donors are supporting Mr. Moore instead of Mr. Cox.

Ms. Kasniunas said a large number of Marylanders are fairly moderate in their ideologies, as demonstrated by the many Maryland Democrats who supported Mr. Hogan.

“When you have a candidate like Dan Cox who is part of the wing of the party that is in support of Donald Trump, what you’re seeing with the giving of Republicans to Wes Moore is a denunciation of that and what that stands for,” Ms. Kasniunas said.

Increasingly, Maryland Republicans have been distancing themselves or declining to offer full-throated support for Mr. Cox. In the most recent example, the Maryland Senate Republican Caucus Committee avoided endorsing Mr. Cox on Tuesday in a virtual press conference.

When asked if the committee was endorsing Mr. Cox for governor, Senate Minority Leader Bryan Simonaire of Anne Arundel County sidestepped the question by responding that his committee was not endorsing any statewide candidates.

“We’re solely focused on the Senate races,” Mr. Simonaire said.

In another showing of a Republican fissure, Barry Glassman, the Republican comptroller candidate and currently the county executive for Harford County, donated $500 to Mr. Moore.

Mr. Glassman, who has contributed $4,250 to Mr. Hogan, is endorsed by Mr. Hogan
« Last Edit: September 12, 2022, 07:45:33 AM by Crafty_Dog »

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New Hampshire
« Reply #161 on: September 12, 2022, 07:35:10 AM »
second post

NEW HAMPSHIRE
WT
National Republicans scrambling to boost Morse ahead of Senate primary

BY TOM HOWELL JR. THE WASHINGTON TIMES

National Republicans are rushing to boost New Hampshire Senate president Chuck Morse in the GOP primary for U.S. Senate, fearing a loss to front-runner Don Bolduc on Tuesday will imperil their chances of winning a critical seat in November.

A political action committee with ties to Senate GOP leadership is spending millions on ads attacking Mr. Bolduc’s “crazy ideas,” while Republican Gov. Chris Sununu offered Mr. Morse a late endorsement Thursday that could rally independent voters and consolidate the anti-Bolduc vote.

Mr. Morse could use the help. He trailed Mr. Bolduc, a retired brigadier general who lost a 2020 Senate primary, by 21 points in a University of New Hampshire poll released in late August.

Mr. Bolduc has heavily touted his Army experience and signed a letter claiming that irregularities in the 2020 presidential election were ignored. His latest ads portray him as a political outsider who will fight government mandates and bring down inflation.

His primary lead has establishment Republicans worried they will squander a winnable pickup against Sen. Maggie Hassan, a Democrat viewed as vulnerable in the general election.

Already, the GOP is bemoaning the quality of candidates needed to preserve GOP seats in places like Pennsylvania and Georgia as they try to tilt the balance in a Senate chamber split 50-50, with Vice President Kamala Harris breaking the tie for Democrats.

“Bolduc did gain name ID among GOP primary voters from his previous run and having campaigned for now nearly 3 years, and he did get over 40% last time, so there is a base,” said Fergus Cullen, a former chairman of the New Hampshire Republican Party and a Morse supporter. “But voters have never been exposed to negative info about him before, he has no money of his own to defend himself, and his candidate skills remain very shaky. He will be pretty easy to caricature as a too-Trumpy-for-NH candidate unprepared for the office he’s seeking.”

Mr. Sununu disappointed Senate Republicans by passing on a Senate bid and opting to run for another term as governor.

The governor’s endorsement of Mr. Morse might not have a seismic impact but could help Mr. Morse close the gap in a primary that also includes entrepreneur Vikram Mansharamani, Bitcoin investor Bruce Fenton and former Londonderry Town Manager Kevin Smith.

The White Mountain PAC is spending over $4 million on ads attacking Mr. Bolduc for criticizing Mr. Trump’s team after his 2020 primary loss and tying him to Mr. Biden’s chaotic military withdrawal from Afghanistan.

“The pro-Morse ads, the Sununu endorsement, and Kevin Smith’s failure to become a player in this race — a surprise — means all the non-Bolduc vote could/ should consolidate to Morse,” said Mr. Cullen, who thinks the state Senate president can “pull this out.”

Likewise, the Morse campaign insists it can overtake Mr. Bolduc in the “poll that matters” on Tuesday.

“The gap is not that big,” Morse campaign spokesman Joe Sweeney said.

He said the Bolduc campaign doesn’t have the resources or organization to pull off a win against the Democratic incumbent, especially with the quick turnaround to the general race after a relatively late primary.

“We have an operation, a field team, a full campaign staff and organization, multiple chairs in every county,” Mr. Sweeney said. “There’s not going to be any delay in us taking the fight right to Maggie Hassan.”

Mr. Bolduc is leaning into his role as an outsider, saying New Hampshire voters aren’t interested in electing another career politician amid post-pandemic shocks and inflation.

“The very people who caused all our problems are now standing in front of us asking for a vote. They’re asking us to elect them or reelect them. Hell no, we need to hold them accountable. Vote for a fighter. Vote for an outsider. Vote General Don Bolduc for U.S. Senate,” the latest Bolduc ad says over scenes of empty shelves, rising gaspump prices and images of Ms. Hassan and President Biden.

One wild card is former President Donald Trump, who loves to play kingmaker but hasn’t made an endorsement in this primary. He may remain on the sidelines, though he praised Mr. Bolduc as a “strong guy, tough guy,” in a recent interview with conservative host John Fredericks, who supports Mr. Bolduc.

“I think he’s doing very well, too. I hear he’s up, he’s up quite a bit,” Mr. Trump told Mr. Fredericks. “You’re involved in that race, it’s very interesting, and you’re for Bolduc. So, I’m going to remember that.”

Mr. Sununu has reportedly spoken to Mr. Trump about the race, too, suggesting there is lobbying for Mr. Morse.

The latest ads from groups aligned with Senate leadership hit Mr. Sununu for his gripes about Mr. Trump’s operation two years ago and for dubbing Mr. Sununu a “Chinese Communist sympathizer.”

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Re: MD: Patriotic black Dem candidate for Gov looks likely to win
« Reply #162 on: September 12, 2022, 07:36:32 AM »
https://www.armytimes.com/resizer/W1xU5kRsoRxMcYo3OLRpYapSOs0=/1024x0/filters:format(jpg):quality(70)/cloudfront-us-east-1.images.arcpublishing.com/archetype/C7H6IBFMCZBZHM3KZJWT463GQE.jpg



This can be a formidable message for the Dems:
==================================

MARYLAND

Democrat seizes GOP mantle of patriotism

Moore cites Army in bid for governor

BY MICA SOELLNER THE WASHINGTON TIMES

Maryland gubernatorial candidate Wes Moore is using his military record and a pro-America agenda to remind voters that Republicans don’t hold a monopoly on patriotism.

The Army combat veteran and firsttime Democratic candidate said he takes patriotism “very, very seriously.” “I look at my history where I was willing to put my life on the line for this country, and I would do it all over again because I believe in what this country is and what this country can be for so many other people,” he said in an interview with The Washington Times.

At first glance, the candidate’s rhetoric sounds more like the talking points out of a Republican playbook than a Democratic campaign in a reliably blue state.

Mr. Moore, the undisputed frontrunner in the governor’s race, intends to knock down Republican attacks that portray Democrats as anti-patriotic or

promoting an “America Last” agenda.

Alongside running mate Aruna Miller, he is telling voters they will level the playing field, enhance public safety and change the attitude in their party about embracing American ideals.

Stella Rouse, a government and politics professor at the University of Maryland, said Mr. Moore’s approach could appeal to more independent and persuadable Republican voters.

“Particularly, the way he is approaching the campaign, he is trying to reach out to non-Trump-like Republicans, who certainly exist in a state like Maryland,” she said.

“In a state like Maryland, his progressive platform is going to appeal to many, but obviously, I think, he needs to be mindful and he’s very conscious about the fact that he wants to bring people together in a Biden mold, even though I would argue he is more progressive than the president.”

Mr. Moore is coming on strong ahead of Election Day with a 10-1 fundraising advantage over his Republican opponent, state Delegate Dan Cox, who has been endorsed by former President Donald Trump.

Gov. Larry Hogan, a Republican serving two terms, is ineligible to run for reelection because of state term limits.

Maryland is typically a safely Democratic state. Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden won by wide margins over Mr. Trump. Mr. Moore campaigned with Mr. Biden last month in Rockville.

The Democrat has painted Mr. Cox as an extremist for attending Mr. Trump’s “Stop the Steal” rally in Washington that preceded the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol.

“When I talk about patriotism, my definition of patriotism is putting on a uniform and leaving my family to go serve this country overseas in Afghanistan. [Mr. Cox’s] definition of patriotism is putting on a baseball cap and calling others to storm the Capitol on Jan. 6,” Mr. Moore said.

Mr. Cox has distanced himself from accusations that he is too right-wing for Maryland. He counters that Mr. Moore is politically out of touch with moderates and independents in the state.

“He’s too left. I’m actually very moderate. I am focused on the issues that people believe in Maryland: less taxes, more freedom, more parental involvement. That’s what everybody wants, and [Mr. Moore] wants the exact opposite,” Mr. Cox told The Washington Times.

Mr. Moore has adopted the militaryinspired campaign slogan of “Leave Nobody Behind.” He said he will fight to make Maryland more competitive in attracting businesses and expanding opportunities in low-income and minority communities.

Promoting his personal story of triumph, Mr. Moore focuses on the power of opportunity rather than the barriers of institutional racism that other Democrats emphasize.

“I think about my life and the opportunities that I had. There’s no place else where a story like mine could be real,” Mr. Moore said.

Mr. Moore grew up in a single-parent household. He was 3 years old when his father died of an infection from a rare virus.

At 17, he joined the Army. He received an associate degree from Valley Forge Military Academy and College in 1998 and later graduated from Johns Hopkins University.

He was the first Black student from his alma mater to receive a Rhodes Scholarship, and he served as a White House fellow in the Bush administration to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

Mr. Moore emphasizes his roots in his book about himself and a Baltimore man with the same name who grew up under similar circumstances but ended up on a drastically different path.

“The Other Wes Moore” ended up dealing drugs and engaging in crime and is serving a life sentence for the murder of a security guard during a robbery.

Mr. Moore, the gubernatorial candidate, shares the story to highlight the dichotomy of educational opportunities and having family support.

He said he wants to expand educational opportunities and close the racial achievement gap by promoting opportunities in science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) and deepening access to career and technical education opportunities.

The candidate said he hopes to shore up learning gaps driven by the pandemic by expanding after-school programs and tutoring resources.

If elected, Mr. Moore will be the first Black governor of Maryland, but he isn’t interested in being just a footnote in history books.

“The future of Maryland is personal to me,” he said. “I know that Maryland can be a state where we leave nobody behind because we’ve left too many behind. Opportunity has not been apportioned fairly in the state, but we can build and grow it in a way that everybody can benefit.

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Re: Politics at the State & Municipal level
« Reply #163 on: September 12, 2022, 07:40:03 AM »
Are you saying this is the Dem candidate?

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Re: Politics at the State & Municipal level
« Reply #164 on: September 12, 2022, 07:45:01 AM »
Are you saying this is the Dem candidate?

I'm saying our military is fake and gay and no longer a place to look for patriots and American values.

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Kari Lake AZ Gov race
« Reply #165 on: October 04, 2022, 11:38:20 AM »
I want to donate to her.  URL?

=============================

Candidate for Arizona Governor Kari Lake Takes Campaign on Road After Opponent’s Refusal to Debate
By Allan Stein October 3, 2022

TUCSON, Ariz.—Democratic candidate for Arizona governor Katie Hobbs has refused to debate her Republican opponent Kari Lake ahead of the Nov. 8 mid-term election, with her campaign telling local media she won’t argue with a “conspiracy theorist.”

Instead, Hobbs, Arizona’s secretary of state, requested a “town hall-style” format where each candidate would sit for a 30-minute interview in a controlled setting.

“Secretary Hobbs remains willing and eager to participate in a town hall style event, such as the forum she participated in [September] in which Arizonans were able to hear directly from Sec[retary] Hobbs about her in-depth policy plans and how she would approach governing this state,” wrote Nicole DeMont, Hobbs’ campaign manager, in a letter to the Citizens Clean Elections Commission in Phoenix.

The commission sponsors public debates each election cycle so Arizona voters can better gauge the candidates running for office.


“Unfortunately, debating a conspiracy theorist like Kari Lake—whose entire campaign platform is to cause enormous chaos and make Arizona the subject of national ridicule—would only lead to constant interruptions, pointless distractions, and childish name-calling,” DeMont said in the letter.

“We must respectfully decline the invitation.”

Lake called Hobbs’ refusal to debate her one-on-one a political act of “cowardice” on social media.

Either way, it appears the voters will never get the chance to hear these two ideologically opposed gubernatorial candidates debate in a public forum, pitting their ideas—and political agendas—against one another.

Debates Are ‘Critical’
The political debate is perhaps as old as politics itself. It’s an opportunity for the voters to gauge the candidates’ image, honesty, and substance.

It’s considered democracy.

“Debates are a critical tool for voters to learn directly from the candidates about where they stand on the issues,” said Clean Elections voter education director Gina Roberts.

“Voters are often inundated with messaging from different sources during the election season, and debates offer voters a direct line of communication with the candidates.”

Roberts told The Epoch Times that Clean Elections has a successful history of providing voters with access to statewide and legislative candidate debates, “along with an opportunity to submit their questions for the candidates.”

“Most recently, a poll commissioned by Clean Elections identified debates as a primary source of election information for general election voters,” Roberts added.

Clean Elections rejected Hobbs’ request for a town hall-style format. What seems to have evolved in this debate-free environment are two separate campaign strategies for reaching out to Arizona’s committed and undecided voters.

Trump-endorsed candidate Lake recently went on the road with a series of live “Ask Me Anything” events, where voters can ask her any question about the campaign’s issues.

“It’s all politics right now, and politics matter. This is just a job interview, and you guys are the hiring managers. I’m applying for a job interview, and we’re taking the job interview on the road since my opponent is hiding in her basement,” Lake said at a packed “Ask Me Anything” session at Whiskey Roads Restaurant in Tucson on Oct. 2.

“Somebody ran into her in a Starbucks, and they asked her a question, ‘Why don’t you do an interview and debate Kari Lake?’ She said I’m not answering anything. Here we are, answering everything.”

Lake is unapologetically pro-life and opposes progressive education that includes transgenderism and Critical Race Theory. She supports the Second Amendment, border security, school choice, and election integrity with the campaign slogan, “Don’t California Our Arizona.”

Hobbs is a former Arizona state senator, and a social worker whose politics are decidedly progressive. She was elected Arizona’s secretary of state in 2018, presiding over Arizona’s controversial 2020 presidential election which turned up numerous ballot discrepancies resulting in a Republican state-Senate sponsored election audit in 2021.

Hobbs has vowed on her website that on “day one” as governor, she would repeal Arizona’s 1901 law banning abortion and replace it with one that is “in line with the beliefs of the vast majority of Arizonans.”

She supports making state government more “inclusive” by hiring and promoting more people of color, creating the position of chief equity officer and civil rights policy adviser, and addressing state payroll inequities.

Polls Show Tight Race
Hobbs appears to have adopted a more low-key strategy rather than meet Lake head-on in a public debate. In early August, she met with constituents during a meeting with labor union leaders.

“Good coffee. Bagels. Getting to sit down and speak with Arizona’s union leaders about real challenges we’re facing,” Hobbs said in a post on Twitter on Aug. 9.

“Couldn’t think of a better way to start my morning than at the ADP Labor Breakfast.”

The latest polls show Lake and Hobbs nearly deadlocked, with Lake, a former Fox10 news anchor, leading Hobbs 46 percent to 45 percent among voters.

Both candidates are also running close in fund-raising: Hobbs has garnered $5 million compared to Lake at just under $4 million.

The winner in the general election will succeed Arizona’s two-term Republican Gov. Doug Ducey, who cannot seek re-election due to the state’s term limits.

Neither Lake nor Hobbs responded to a request for comment through their respective campaigns.


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Re: Politics at the State & Municipal level
« Reply #167 on: November 07, 2022, 05:02:23 PM »
"Third reason, because Crafty and I sent her money"

 :-D

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Keri Lake moving up!
« Reply #168 on: November 09, 2022, 03:56:17 PM »
SCOTTSDALE, Ariz.—A total of 4,094 votes separated the candidates in the hotly contested Arizona governor’s race after a batch of results was reported on the evening of Nov. 9.

With over 74 percent of the votes counted as of 5:27 p.m. ET on Wednesday, Democratic gubernatorial candidate Katie Hobbs led Republican gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake by one-fifth of a percent, according to Decision Desk HQ.

“Wow. We’re going to win big. Stay tuned, Arizona!” Lake tweeted early on Wednesday afternoon, before the new batch of votes was reported.

“Remaining ballots (Election Day & Early Drop-offs) are all breaking BIGLY for @KariLake. Just like we knew they would,” she added.

Early Election Issues
Earlier in the day, voting got off to a rough start in Maricopa County as officials said approximately 20 percent of voting centers experienced tabulator problems.

As a result, some voting locations experienced longer than expected wait times. But, by 5:30 pm, election official Bill Gates told reporters that most of the tabulation machines were back in working condition, and the voting deadline wouldn’t be extended, despite a GOP suit to extend hours.

Lake encouraged her voters to remain in line on her Twitter account, reminding them that if they were in line by 7 pm, they were legally allowed to vote.

Epoch Times Photo
Republican gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake attends her Karizona Election Eve Concert and Rally, on Nov. 7. (Katie Spence/The Epoch Times)
Political Polarization
In a bitter fight to the end, Hobbs and Lake blasted each other on the campaign trail and courted Arizona voters until election day. They also ran on wholly opposite views on how best to govern Arizona.

The race for Arizona’s governor has drawn the eyes of the nation, not the least because Republican Gov. Doug Ducey was term-limited and not eligible to seek a third consecutive term. Thus, there wasn’t an incumbent advantage going into the Nov. 8 election, and like what happened in 2020, Arizona’s governor could play a pivotal role in the 2024 presidential election.

Leading up to the election, The Cook Political Report rated the Arizona Governor Race as a toss-up between Lake and Hobbs. However, FiveThirtyEight polls showed Lake with a slight edge over Hobbs. In an OH Predictive Insights poll, for example, Lake led Hobbs by two percentage points, and Lake was up three percent in a Fabrizio, Lee, and Associates poll.

Epoch Times Photo
The U.S. Capitol building is pictured in Washington on Nov. 7, 2018. (Zach Gibson/Getty Images)
According to a report from the Pew Research Center, Republicans and Democrats are farther apart ideologically than at any other time in the past 50 years. The report specified that both parties have moved from the ideological middle, with Republicans adopting a more conservative stance and Democrats becoming more liberal.

That divide played out in the campaigns of both Lake and Hobbs. Lake called Hobbs a “convicted racist,” while Hobbs called Lake a “conspiracy theorist” and refused to debate her. In response, Lake repeatedly called Hobbs a “coward.” Still, Hobbs stuck to her refusal.

As a result, Arizona voters missed the opportunity to compare the candidates in a live debate and instead had to settle for contrasting campaign events and political statements on the candidates’ websites.

Opposite Plans for Arizona
Described as a “polished” Trump by critics, Lake is an Obama Democrat turned Trump Republican who is proud of never holding public office. But, thanks to her long tenure as a television journalist, Lake is well known in Arizona. She received Trump’s blessing during the Arizona primaries.

Hobbs is Arizona’s Secretary of State and served in Arizona’s State Legislature from 2011 to 2019. She’s received endorsements from NARAL/Arizona Right to Choose and Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona.

Regarding policy issues, Lake and Hobbs could not be more opposed. On immigration and the border, Lake wants to finish “the wall” and calls the current setup a “national security and humanitarian disaster.”

Epoch Times Photo
Arizona Secretary of State and Democratic gubernatorial candidate Katie Hobbs speaks at a press conference calling for abortion rights outside the Evo A. DeConcini Courthouse in Tucson, Ariz., on Oct. 7, 2022. (Mario Tama/Getty Images)
Hobbs wants to “pass comprehensive immigration reform” but calls the border wall an “anti-immigrant” policy that’s not a real solution.

On tackling inflation and the economy, Lake said she wants “tax relief” and to stand against Washington’s current “tax-and-spend” agenda. Echoing Trump, Lake proposed rolling back  regulations and lowering taxes.

To tackle inflation and fire up the economy, Hobbs wants to expand on The American Rescue Plan, passed by Congress and signed by President Biden. She also wants to create a $250 state-level child tax credit and make diapers and baby formula tax-free.

Since the beginning of her candidacy, Lake has stood firm in questioning the integrity of the 2020 election. On her website, she lists recent pipeline and meat-plants hacks as problematic. Thus, she wants to remove all software equipment from the counting process. Lake further advocated for voter ID and regular audits.

Hobbs, however, called such audits “shams” on her website and said “dangerous forces” are trying to “silence the voices of Arizonans.” She said she’d fight against “voter suppression bills” and “protect the freedom to vote.”

trump rally
Former President Donald Trump and Kari Lake, who has Trump’s support in Arizona’s gubernatorial race, speak during a rally at the Canyon Moon Ranch festival grounds in Florence, Ariz., on Jan. 15, 2022. (Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)
Lake said she is pro-life and that “every life, starting at conception, is worth saving.” As governor, she said she would work to support mothers by putting resources into pregnancy centers and government programs that provide counseling, material assistance, care coordination, and housing support.

“I will ensure Arizona matches and exceeds all other states in supporting these centers and the amazing work they are doing,” Lake said.

Lake added that “it takes two to make a baby,” and she wants to hold fathers accountable by reforming Arizona’s laws to ensure fathers support the women they impregnated.

Hobbs, in contrast, is pro-choice and stated that on “day one, I will call a special session of the legislature to repeal the draconian 1901 [abortion ban] law.”

Hobbs said she would work “tirelessly” to increase access to abortion and use her veto power to oppose “restrictive and extreme measures” limiting the procedure in Arizona.

ccp

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Re: Politics at the State & Municipal level
« Reply #169 on: November 09, 2022, 04:12:43 PM »
 :-D

Crafty_Dog

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PA House to flip to Blue?
« Reply #170 on: November 11, 2022, 10:26:52 AM »
Blue Pennsylvania: Undecided State House Races May Cause Party Power Shift
Republicans lose 12 House seats
By Beth Brelje November 10, 2022 Updated: November 10, 2022biggersmaller Print

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The balance of political power in Pennsylvania has taken a left turn as the Republican-controlled state House lost at least 12 Republican seats in the Nov. 8 election and could lose more. Control of the chamber will remain undecided until at least next week because results in two races are too close to call.

Democrat Mark Moffa, with 15,095 votes, has two votes more than Republican Joe Hogan’s 15,093 in District 142, Bucks County. Neither candidate is an incumbent; this is a new district due to redistricting.

Those totals are not expected to change for days, Jim O’Malley, deputy director of communications for Bucks County told The Epoch Times. Currently, Bucks County election workers are inspecting provisional and segregated ballots and determining which ones can be counted. They will make a report about those ballots to the Bucks County Board of Elections on Tuesday, Nov. 15, and the board will determine the next steps for those ballots.

The process is similar in Montgomery County’s District 151, where Rep. William Todd Stephens, a Republican incumbent, has 16,611 votes and leads with 26 votes over Democrat Melissa Cerrato’s 16,585 votes.

No automatic recount is triggered for legislative races. A campaign or other organization would have to file a request to recount, Montgomery County spokeswoman Kelly Cofrancisco told The Epoch Times.

“The other outstanding ballots include our provisional and military/overseas ballots which we have until next week, Nov. 15, to accept,” Cofrancisco said. “Next week our Board of Elections will hold a provisional ballot hearing to determine which ballots will be included in the final count. We have until Nov. 28 to certify the election.”

Dead Candidate Wins
In total, there are 203 Pennsylvania House seats. In the current session there are 113 Republicans, 88 Democrats, and two vacant seats.

The new configuration, so far, is 101 Republicans and 100 Democrats, plus those two undetermined races.

And here is a wrinkle: the new House will have three vacant seats right away.

Longtime Democrat Rep. Anthony M. “Tony” DeLuca, 85, died on Oct. 9, and having held the seat for 39 years, was running for another term. When he died, the ballots had already been printed.

Voters chose to cast their ballots for a dead man rather than the Green Party candidate. DeLuca got 85 percent of the vote compared with 14 percent for Green candidate Queonia “Zarah” Livingston. No Republican ran in this race.

Democrat state Representatives Summer Lee and Austin Davis both ran for two offices at once and won all four seats. Lee was reelected to the state house and also elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. Davis was also reelected to the state house and at the same time, elected as Pennsylvania’s lieutenant governor, filling the seat vacated by John Fetterman.

House seats all come up for election every two years. House members will be sworn in Jan. 3, 2023. The new speaker of the House will then schedule special elections for the vacant positions. The house votes as a whole to name a speaker. It is possible that Davis and Lee will be sworn in to the state House to help choose the speaker, then vacate their seats.

But DeLuca can’t vote from the grave.

If the final house count is 101 Republicans and 102 Democrats, with DeLuca missing, there will be 101 votes for each party. It is unclear how the House will determine speaker, and that issue has caused some chatter in the hallways of the Capitol in Harrisburg.

The Pennsylvania House and Senate have been solidly Republican-controlled since 2011. Outgoing Democrat Gov. Tom Wolf has had a sometimes-contentious relationship with the General Assembly. Wolf was never able to convince Republicans to raise the minimum wage or legalize recreational marijuana, although during the Wolf administration Pennsylvania did legalize medical marijuana. Wolf used executive orders to move his agenda forward.

While Pennsylvania’s Senate remains Republican, the House is close to flipping to Democrat control, giving incoming Democrat Gov. Josh Shapiro a smoother ride to advance his agenda.

It will also signal a less purple Pennsylvania ahead of the 2024 presidential election.

Even if Democrats don’t get control of the House, they have gained much ground. Republicans, who have been accustomed to having enough votes to move legislation, only to have it stopped by the governor’s veto, will have to work harder to negotiate with Democrats.

Crafty_Dog

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Dems take four state legislatures
« Reply #171 on: November 11, 2022, 10:40:06 AM »
second

Democrats buck history, take control of 4 state legislatures

Party adds seats in Pennsylvania, Nevada, Arizona results pending

BY DAVID A. LIEB ASSOCIATED PRESS

Bucking historic midterm election trends, Democrats wrested control of state legislative chambers away from Republicans in Michigan and Minnesota while also gaining full control of state capitols in Maryland and Massachusetts.

The Democrats’ gains in Tuesday’s elections gave them power to set the agenda on topics ranging from state taxes and spending to contentious social issues in four states that previously had politically divided governments.

Democrats also gained legislative seats in Pennsylvania, another important presidential swing state where Republican lawmakers have held majorities against a Democratic governor.

Future control of several legislatures — including Republicanled Arizona’s and Democratic-led Nevada’s — remained unclear as votes were still being counted.

The New Hampshire House clerk said results show an almost even partisan divide in the 400-member chamber. That could set the stage for either unprecedented bipartisanship or major gridlock.

Democrats were thrilled with the results, especially since the president’s party almost always suffers legislative losses during midterm elections.

“By all accounts, this election should have been a landslide for Republicans. Instead, their socalled red wave is looking more like a puddle,” said Jessica Post, president of the national Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee.

Republicans entered the election with full control of both legislative chambers and the governor’s office in 23 states, compared with 14 for Democrats, with the rest divided.

Democrats already controlled both legislative chambers in Maryland and Massachusetts but picked up governorships being vacated by popular, term-limited Republicans.

Even with Democratic gains, Republicans will still control more states and more total legislative seats.

Only twice since 1900 had the president’s party posted a net increase in state legislative seats during a midterm election — in 1934 during the Great Depression and in 2002, a year after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures.

This year, “it’s becoming apparent that if either side gains seats, it’s going to be a narrow margin relative to history,” said Ben Williams, the NCSL’s principal for elections and redistricting.

Republicans said going into the election that they would be happy to keep what they held, though they had targeted several states for potential gains. Despite some losses, Republicans withstood bigger Democratic spending in some states and “an incredibly challenging political environment” to maintain a majority of state legislatures, said Andrew Romeo, communications director for the Republican State Leadership Committee.

A summertime Supreme Court decision ending half a century of abortion as a federal constitutional right, thus returning the issue to the states, gave Democrats a new campaign theme to counter Republican ads blaming Democrats for rising inflation and economic concerns.

In Michigan, voters passed a state constitutional amendment guaranteeing abortion rights while narrowly electing Democratic legislative majorities.

Lawmakers were running for the first time in new districts drawn by an independent citizens committee that gave Democrats a better chance than the previous districts draw by the GOP-led Legislature.

When newly elected lawmakers take office along with Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, it will mark the first time in 40 years that Democrats wield full control in Lansing.

Though the economy was the top issue for Michigan voters, a majority also said the abortion ballot initiative was very important and that their views aligned most closely with the idea that abortion should be legal in all or most cases, according to AP VoteCast, an expansive survey of more than 3,200 of the state’s voters.

Republican House Speaker Jason Wentworth attributed the loss to redistricting and “special interests from all over the country” that aided Democrats. He predicted that Republicans would regain the chamber in two years.

In Minnesota, Democrats won control of the state Senate from Republicans while also defending their House majority against a Republican takeover attempt. Democratic Gov. Tim Walz also won reelection

DougMacG

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Re: Dems take four state legislatures
« Reply #172 on: November 11, 2022, 11:55:30 AM »
Yes these were important losses.  Chips away at the theory that the losses were because of weak candidates at the top.

Losing people like Larry Hogan in places like Mass. and Maryland, with no incumbent running, was inevitable and not all bad.  Dem overreach is our best message.

Minnesota was a total loss, (although we flipped my local Rep back).  This loss was not unexpected, but if it had gone the other way, suburban women shifting right, it would have changed everything, nationwide.  Not so or at least not yet.

The losses of legislatures in swing states is horrible!  Those were the biggest races and Republicans snoozed on it.

A LOT of outside Dem money went into all these races.  When I saw that is when I jumped in, but my small amounts only help if tens of millions of conservatives also jump in with their share. 

Money isn't everything but how does our side get our message out without it?  With fair coverage in the Minneapolis Star and Sickle monopoly newspaper? Through the schools?  Through the networks?  Through Facebook?  Hardly. 

I know we've said this before, but we better figure this out now and start work for next time or history will keep repeating itself, getting worse and worse each time.
« Last Edit: November 11, 2022, 11:58:07 AM by DougMacG »


Crafty_Dog

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AZ
« Reply #174 on: November 14, 2022, 04:18:53 PM »

Crafty_Dog

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WT: Black Reps doing well
« Reply #175 on: November 22, 2022, 05:55:27 AM »
Black Republicans gain ground in local and state elections 56 Black Republicans ran for state and local office, and nearly half won By Paris Dennard T

he attention surrounding the midterm elections always centers on control of Congress because historically, with few exceptions, the political party of the sitting president loses seats in both the Senate and House of Representatives. The driving force for media attention, pundits and pollsters is focused on the federal elections, especially the demographics of the incoming members of Congress.

As the results came in late Tuesday night and into next morning, it was clear that the so-called red wave was not going to yield the large results that many had predicted, but Republicans would take back control of the House of Representatives and retire Nancy Pelosi from being speaker of the House.

What also became clear was, despite a tremendous candidate recruitment effort and hundreds of Black and Hispanic candidates earning the trust of their constituents to get on the ballot, many of them lost in close elections for Congress.

There were 31 Black Republicans on the ballot for federal office, with five winning outright: incumbents, Sen. Tim Scott and Reps. Byron Donalds and Burgess Owens, along with Reps.-elect John James and Wesley Hunt, both West Point graduates. Herschel Walker remains in a very important December runoff for U.S. Senate in Georgia.

While the potential for six Black Republicans in the 118th Congress would be historic — you would have to go back to the late 1800s to see that many serving at once, and never two in the Senate — there was an overlooked bright spot for Black Republicans in the midterms on the state and local level.

There were at least 56 Black Republicans running for state and local office this year, with nearly half of them winning their seats. Next year. there will be well over 40 Black elected Republicans at all levels, from senator to lieutenant governor to county council member.

Historically, Black Republicans have excelled at a greater number at getting elected or appointed statewide. More Black Republicans (15) have been state attorney general than Democrats, and we currently have more Black Republicans serving today as lieutenant Governors than Democrats do. Florida made history in several ways this year, one of which was by electing four Black Republicans to the State House.

There has only been one Black Republican woman to serve in Congress, former U.S. Rep. Mia Love, and we came very close to having the second Black Republican women in Congress with Jennifer-Ruth Green. However, on the state and local level, Black Republican women serving in the past and present is very common.

Virginia Lt. Gov. Winsome Sears will remain the highest-ranking Black woman in the GOP — and the midterm elections have two Black women winning, including Florida state Rep.-elect Kiyan Michael. On the local level, Dorchester County, South Carolina, Councilwoman Harriet Holman won reelection as a Republican after leaving the Democratic Party this year.

State and local elected officials often play an even greater role in the everyday lives of Americans because they have a more direct and immediate impact on the lives of their constituents.

While these positions do not normally garner the same attention and notoriety as federal positions, they are just as important, and Republicans should continue to recruit candidates to run at the state and local level.

It was great to see the Republican State Leadership Committee (RSLC) start a program directly aimed at recruiting, training and supporting more diverse candidates for state and local office through their Right Leaders Network. Black Republicans like Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina and North Carolina Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson signed on to serve in leadership roles because they understand the importance of electing great leaders on the state and local level.

Remember, Tim Scott got his start in politics on the Charleston County Council and then the South Carolina House of Representatives before being elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and eventually the U.S. Senate.

Organizations like Run GenZ, co-founded by West Virginia state Rep. Caleb Hanna, are on the front lines trying to identify, mentor and support Generation Z Republicans to run for office on the state and local level to great success.

They continue to promote and highlight Black leaders like Bowie, Maryland, City Councilwoman Roxy Ndebumadu, Albany, Georgia, City Commissioner Jalen Johnson and Willard, Missouri, Mayor Samuel Snider.

The future of the GOP is bright when we build a bench from the state and local level all the way up to the federal level. The midterm elections did see the wave of Black Republican leadership continue to grow on the state and local level with courageous Americans who were elected to serve, and will do so with distinction. Leadership always doesn’t always come from Washington, and all these Black Republicans elected on the state and local level prove it. Paris Dennard is a communications and political strategist and consultant who has worked at the highest levels of government and Republican politics.

ILLUSTRATION BY HUNTER


Crafty_Dog

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Schlapp: Conservative States are Winning Big
« Reply #177 on: December 21, 2022, 06:33:14 AM »
second

Conservative states are winning big as liberal policies collapse

Americans are voting with their feet

By Matt Schlapp

The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) has released its 50-state legislative analysis, ranking all 50 states from the most conservative to the least, revealing which states are implementing policies aligning with American values to promote individual liberty, economic growth and human dignity. All 50 state legislatures were ranked based on policy, revealing the clear relationship between conservative policymaking and quality of life. Between prosperity, freedom and crime, failed policies adopted in Democrat-led states leave a lot to be desired. Republican-led states, on the other hand, have become the primary benefactors of state-to-state migration, wealth and safety thanks to excellent legislation.

To create these rankings, CPAC’s Center for Legislative Accountability tallied 265,000 votes on legislation from all 50 states and all 7,400 state legislators. This compilation of data allows us to look at outcomes in a nuanced way and interpret recent state-to-state migration and economic trends.

By now, most people are familiar with the California exodus, with many disgruntled voters abandoning the Golden State for conservative Texas. Our new state rankings provide context to the mass migration in a more useful way. Florida, for instance, ranks as the sixth most conservative state in the nation and has also been the top destination for Americans leaving their home state for more than a decade. The result has been a massive transfer of wealth, with more than $200 billion in income migrating to Florida from the rest of America.

Florida’s zero individual income tax policy and the absence of an estate tax or inheritance tax have attracted income-earners across the economic spectrum from states with confiscatory tax rates like New Jersey and New York. And thanks to the conservative policies adopted in Tallahassee, Florida’s low cost of living does not come at the expense of high sales taxes or poor public infrastructure.

Indeed, Florida outperforms most states when it comes to things like school choice and state-run pension programs while maintaining fiscal discipline.

But it’s not just low taxes that make conservative-run states more attractive. Nationwide, “go woke or go broke” policies led to some of the largest state-to-state migration numbers in years, with people fleeing liberal hellscapes for conservative safe havens.

When comparing states that have embraced woke social and economic policy with those that have adopted commonsense conservative legislation in 2021, the 10 most liberal states had more people moving out than moving in, with an average 9% net loss. Conversely, the top 10 conservative states, on average, experienced a 12% net gain of people moving in versus those leaving.

And while conservative states attracted citizens of all kinds with strong economic policy and the rule of law, Democrat-led states burdened people with never-ending debt. Of the 10 worst-rated states for conservative policy, they shared an average of $6,670 in debt per capita compared with the top 10 conservative states, which averaged $2,190. Highly rated conservative states also dominate the field when it comes to safety. While conservative states represented the true interests of citizens: defending law enforcement and securing the property of hardworking citizens, Democratic lawmakers worked to “defund the police” and allow people to escape accountability for their actions. Across the country, George Soros-funded officials favored criminals over the law. In Philadelphia, District Attorney Larry Krasner dropped or lost 47% of illegal gun cases in his first two years. In New York, District Attorney Alvin Bragg stated that his day-one policy would be to make prison time a last resort for fighting crime. And in Colorado, the state Legislature voted to make the possession of 4,000 lethal doses of fentanyl just a misdemeanor, essentially giving criminals responsible for the deaths of hundreds a free pass.

It’s no surprise that Black Lives Matter/woke soft-on-crime policies have resulted in crime spiking in cities and states dominated by liberal politicians. Murders, for example, have jumped by almost 50% in New York and 60% in Chicago since 2019. Democratic leaders have done such poor work to provide security that even Starbucks, in all of its woke wisdom, decided to close six stores in its hometown of Seattle, six in Los Angeles, two in Portland, Oregon, one in Philadelphia and one in Washington, D.C.

It has never been clearer that Democrats’ policies are doing less for Americans — less wealth, less security, and less economic and real freedom.

These kinds of insights are the reason why CPAC leads the way in American politics. Our expansive rating system, which began 11 years ago, ensures that voters get a real idea of whom they are voting for and where they stand on any given policy. It is no longer possible for lawmakers to hide behind excuses and power struggles while in office. At CPAC, we make it crystal clear which politicians are on your side.

Matt Schlapp is the chairman of CPAC


Crafty_Dog

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Weird scenes inside the Ohio gold mine , , ,
« Reply #179 on: January 21, 2023, 08:31:24 PM »
WSJ
Ohio Republicans Staged Their Own House Speaker Drama
A breakaway bloc of GOP legislators joined with Democrats to give Rep. Jason Stephens the gavel.
By Jack Butler
Jan. 20, 2023 5:34 pm ET

As the national media focused on Kevin McCarthy’s contentious election as U.S. House speaker, a similar political drama was playing out in Columbus, Ohio—even though Republicans hold a 67-32 supermajority in Ohio’s House. At a party meeting shortly after November’s election, GOP state representatives chose Rep. Derek Merrin as their nominee for speaker. As the legislative session was set to begin earlier this month, however, a breakaway faction of 22 GOP lawmakers joined with the chamber’s Democrats to elect a different Republican, Rep. Jason Stephens, speaker.

Explanations of what happened and why differ. Rep. Allison Russo, the leader of the House’s Democratic minority, told the Columbus Dispatch that Democrats sensed division and wanted a speaker who “would work with us on the issues we could agree on.” But in an interview this week Mr. Merrin was decidedly less sanguine. “Every Republican voter in Ohio has been betrayed,” he said, accusing the dissidents of caring more about “power” than about conservative issues. “Tens of millions of dollars were invested in making Ohio a Republican state, a Republican-led state,” but thanks to Mr. Stephens and his faction, “now the Democrats are the ones who are really in control.”

That’s how the central committee of the Ohio GOP sees it. On Jan. 6 the committee passed a resolution censuring the Republicans who voted for Mr. Stephens. The resolution claims that their vote “dishonors” the Republican Party and “misrepresents the voice of Ohio Republican voters” who wanted “to defeat the dangerous and perverse Democratic Party Caucus agenda, not to empower it.” Rep. Jon Cross, one of the Republicans who supported Mr. Stephens, professed confusion. He told the Columbus Dispatch that he didn’t understand how Republicans could be censured by the Republican Party for voting for a Republican. “Sounds like the dip—s are running the insane asylum.”

The dust is settling, but the acrimony is likely to linger. GOP Rep. Bill Seitz, a Stephens supporter, lays blame for the party crackup squarely at Mr. Merrin’s feet. He and his team did “very little outreach” to other Republicans after winning the caucus vote, Mr. Seitz claims, and awarded leadership slots only to Merrin supporters. Mr. Seitz calls the idea that lawmakers in the breakaway bloc aren’t conservative “complete bull hockey.” He notes that he’s a member of the American Legislative Exchange Council’s board of directors. Mr. Stephens, he says, was endorsed for speaker by the Conservative Political Action Conference.

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Rep. Brian Stewart, a Merrin supporter, said that endorsement came out of the blue on the day of the caucus vote: “I don’t think CPAC had heard of Jason Stephens prior to that afternoon.”

The coming legislative session is likely to see big votes on school choice, tax reform and redistricting. Perhaps the most contentious debate will be over House Joint Resolution 6, which, if passed, will ask Ohioans to raise the threshold for amending the state constitution via ballot initiative to 60%. Currently all that’s needed is a simple majority. Democrats oppose the change because they think it will make it harder to enshrine abortion rights in the state constitution.

To make May’s ballot, the Legislature must approve the resolution by Feb. 1. Failure to do so will increase suspicions among Merrin-allied Republicans that Mr. Stephens struck a deal with Democrats to sideline the issue. Mr. Stewart says it’s an open secret that Mr. Stephens promised Democrats to block the resolution in exchange for their support. He claims Mr. Stephens twice promised him never to seek Democratic votes to become speaker, worrying that it could “tear the caucus apart” after a similar episode four years earlier, “and then he did it anyway.”

Democrats—and Mr. Seitz—deny a deal was struck, but things are far from resolved. Mr. Merrin, calling himself “leader of the House Republicans,” promises not to “stand by and let a progressive agenda be marched through the Ohio House.” Mr. Stephens pledges to “respect and work with” all members, but it’s hard to see how. He commands a minority of the coalition that elected him speaker. Imagine the chaos in Congress if the Republicans who opposed Mr. McCarthy had cut a deal with Democrats to elect one of themselves speaker.

In a country where power is divided both horizontally, between branches of government, and vertically, between the national government and the states, Washington isn’t the only place where political drama happens. Often, it isn’t even the most interesting place.

Mr. Butler is submissions editor at National Review Online and a Robert Novak Journalism Fellow at the Fund for American Studies.

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