Author Topic: The Politics of Education  (Read 42451 times)


Body-by-Guinness

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It Ain’t Discrimination if We Call it a “Commitment to Diversity”
« Reply #151 on: February 24, 2025, 08:22:39 AM »
How woke activists have the path smoothed for them as they advance n their academic careers:

John D. Sailer

How Universities Get Away With Hiring Radicals

Fellow-to-faculty programs have seeded academia with activists.

Feb 20 2025

In the days after the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, Jemma Decristo, a UC Davis professor, took to social media to express support for the violent energies that had erupted in the Middle East. “HELL YEAH,” Decristo wrote on X, responding to a report that protesters had set fire to the Israeli embassy in Jordan. Reposting news of protests at the United States embassy in Lebanon, Decristo added, “[fire icon] to the US embassy. US out of everywhere. US GO HOME. US GO HOME.”

One of her posts roused national attention: “One group of ppl we have easy access to in the US is all these zionist journalists who spread propaganda & misinformation,” Decristo wrote. “they have houses w addresses, kids in school. they can fear their bosses, but they should fear us more.” She concluded with a series of icons: a knife, an axe, and three blood drops.

Shortly afterward, the university launched an investigation into Decristo’s comments, and in April of 2024, the StandWithUs Center for Legal Justice filed a lawsuit against the university for its inaction on anti-Semitism, putting the professor’s threats atop a list of examples in a press release. As of this writing, UC Davis has not disciplined Decristo.

Following Decristo’s comments, UC Davis chancellor Gary May said in a statement that calls for violence were inconsistent with the university’s commitment to “equity and justice.” Ironically, Decristo’s employment at UC Davis came about precisely because of the University of California’s purported commitment to social justice. Decristo, once described by UC Davis as a “scholar-artist-activist,” was recruited through the President’s Postdoctoral Fellowship Program (PPFP), which fast-tracks scholars showing a “commitment to diversity” into permanent faculty roles.

A growing number of like-minded activists are following Decristo’s path. For years, universities, federal agencies, and private foundations have worked to create well-funded career pathways for scholar-activists in higher education. The network includes undergraduate fellowships, graduate school funding, special hiring initiatives, and even administrator development programs. This constellation of “pipeline programs” is intended to hire more minorities; in practice, it heavily favors academics who view their scholarship as an extension of their political agenda.

The programs also raise legal questions. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act prohibits discrimination in hiring. After President Trump’s executive order “ending illegal discrimination and restoring merit-based opportunity,” many universities will likely reassess their pipeline programs to avoid federal scrutiny.

The universities with the most influential programs, though, have framed them as race-neutral, selecting scholars based on their commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion. So far, this has helped universities avoid legal scrutiny. But many scholars have argued that the commitment loophole has made university hiring more ideological—in a way that could still violate the First Amendment.

Over the next several weeks, I’ll be publishing stories on the pipeline model and what it means for the future of the American university. The series is based on thousands of pages of documents acquired through public records requests and interviews with more than a dozen scholars. It explores what is perhaps the most popular and effective kind of pipeline program, responsible for Decristo’s professorship at UC Davis: the fellow-to-faculty model.

Usually, a postdoctoral fellowship is just a small step in a scholar’s career. After a fellowship ends, former postdocs apply to competitive positions on the open market. The diversity-focused fellow-to-faculty model modifies this pathway. First, the programs’ administrators select fellows with special attention to how they contribute to diversity. Fellows are then heavily favored for—often guaranteed—tenure-track positions, bypassing a competitive search. It’s a side-door into the faculty lounge.

The UC system’s PPFP, which the university recently declared the “largest and most influential academic pipeline program of its kind in the nation,” serves as a blueprint. Launched in 1984, it’s the oldest such program. By now, some former fellows have held academic posts for decades, including Mark Lawson, the program’s director.

At its inception, PPFP awarded postdocs only to women and minorities. In 1996, when California voters banned affirmative action, identity-based criteria became unambiguously illegal, forcing the program to evolve.

Now, the UC system seeks demographic diversity by proxy. A grant proposal obtained by a public records request describes how PPFP assesses “a candidate’s demonstrated contributions to diversity and equal opportunity,” rather than using race or sex. This “innovative holistic selection process,” the proposal carefully points out, is “compliant with the current legal environment in California.”

PPFP also spearheaded the practice of “converting” its postdocs into tenure-track faculty positions. The system established a hiring incentive, promising UC campuses cash for hiring former fellows. It also offered a search waiver, so departments would not have to conduct a national search to make their hires.

Abigail Thompson, a professor of mathematics at UC Davis, was herself a President’s Postdoctoral Fellow at UC Berkeley in 1986. She is now critical of the program. In 2019, she published a short piece in Notices of the American Mathematical Society, arguing against the use of mandatory diversity statements in faculty hiring. “In reality it’s a political test, and it’s a political test with teeth,” Thompson wrote. The piece provoked controversy among academics.

When I spoke with Thompson, she pointed out how the program gives administrators an especially convenient tool for advancing their hiring priorities. “This is such a clever idea, really,” Thompson said. “No one pays close attention to how these postdocs are hired.”

Perhaps because it’s so effective, the fellow-to-faculty model exploded throughout American higher education in the early 2010s, as universities around the country began ratcheting up their DEI efforts. The University of Arizona President’s Postdoctoral Fellowship Program seeks applicants whose research “addresses issues such as race, gender, diversity and inclusion.” The University of Virginia’s Race, Place, and Equity Postdoctoral Fellowship hires postdocs who “address issues of race, justice, and equity.” In the UC system, each individual campus created its own parallel program to fund the hiring of additional PPFP applicants.

A network of universities also coordinate on the model: the Partnership for Faculty Diversity, created by the UC system and the University of Michigan. Members include Carnegie Mellon University, Georgia Tech, and the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center.

Many universities outside the UC orbit have adopted the model as well. At the University of South Carolina, it’s called the Bridge-to-Faculty; at Ohio State, one such program is simply called Fellow-to-Faculty. A 2021 article in Frontiers in Psychology identified 38 diversity-focused postdoctoral “conversion” programs nationwide, though I found more in my investigation.

The upshot: a small but significant number of faculty across the country have been given side-door jobs based on ideological affinity. The University of Michigan’s Collegiate Fellowship Program, one of two fellowships at the university, has recruited 55 fellows since 2016. The University of Illinois Chicago has recruited 49 Bridge to Faculty Fellows since 2020. Over the last five years, one in 20 tenure-track hires in the UC System were former president’s or chancellor’s postdoctoral fellows.

The programs thus provide a steady stream of scholars committed to activist disciplines like “critical refugee studies” and “queer of color critique.” They raise serious questions about academic freedom, government funding and private philanthropy, and the feasibility of higher education reform. When the dust settles from the battle over DEI, reformers will still have to contend with the way that universities have reshaped their basic mission through the construction of a scholar-activist pipeline.

John D. Sailer is the director of higher education policy and a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute.

https://www.city-journal.org/article/universities-fellow-to-faculty-programs-activists


ccp

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Case for and against closing Dept. of Ed.
« Reply #153 on: March 06, 2025, 06:56:53 AM »
https://districtadministration.com/opinion/cases-for-and-against-dismantling-the-department-of-education/

When I did a google search on this everything that came up is from Left wing media with points made about protecting "vulnerable" children etc. 

I did not read all the propaganda but what I did read made no mention of the failure of the Dept of Ed. to educate children with grades going lower not higher.

One source pointed out it will take and act of the legislative branches to actually close it down.
a majority in the House which we have and "likely" 60 votes in the Senate which we do not have.

Take into account many Repubs will be reluctant to close this down and the likely outcome it won't happen.

I also found the 1.6 TRILLION $ loan debt unbelievable.  I am sure this has been reported often before but now I process in my brain in context.

« Last Edit: March 06, 2025, 06:59:01 AM by ccp »

ccp

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Weingartan on MSLSD
« Reply #154 on: March 10, 2025, 03:06:07 PM »
https://townhall.com/tipsheet/katiepavlich/2025/03/10/top-union-boss-has-an-epic-meltdown-n2653570

I could make it through more than half the video.
I did not hear a single peep how Department of Ed has failed to teach children from Weingarten who tries to tell us we remove the Dept of Ed and children will be totally ignorant and lost.

So why do we need Dept of Ed?  Still no answer from the likes of her.

I guess because LBJ taught Mexicans who went to school without shoes that makes any sense for dept of Ed today?

It must be hard having your power ripped out from under you like a rug. 

 :wink:

DougMacG

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Re: Case for and against closing Dept. of Ed.
« Reply #155 on: March 11, 2025, 10:37:30 AM »
I wonder if the Founders contemplated educating our children when they passed the 10th amendment, yes they did, Powers not granted to the federal government remain with the states and with the people.

Crafty_Dog

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Hillsdale: Arnn:
« Reply #156 on: March 15, 2025, 03:43:51 PM »



https://x.com/Hillsdale/status/1899644767866159525

“Education is one of the most bureaucratized things. To break this system is the first step toward real education reform.”

The Department of Education (
@usedgov
) has got to go,
@DrLarryArnn
 told
@DLoesch
 on
@DanaLoeschRadio
.

Body-by-Guinness

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Booting Totalitarians out of Higher Ed
« Reply #157 on: March 16, 2025, 12:29:21 PM »
Some straightforward ways to boot the Chinese, and other totalitarians, out of higher ed:

The DOGE Solution to Kicking the Chinese Communist Party Out of American Higher Education

Trump's DOGE proposes a 100% tax on foreign university funding and higher endowment taxes to curb foreign influence, cut the deficit, and hold elite schools accountable.

By Ian Oxnevad
March 16, 2025
Cost-cutting is now the rage of Trump 2.0 and the dread of bureaucrats inside the Beltway. While rooting out malign foreign influence in higher education is one of the quieter battles taking place within the broader effort to tackle the national debt, Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) offers an elegant and principled solution: taxpayers should not have to compete with totalitarians in university funding.

Far too often, American universities see themselves as cosmopolitan city-states positioned beyond the reach of constitutional law or American cultural norms. Unlike in a typical American workplace, anti-Semitism is tolerated on college campuses. In higher education, discrimination against competent Asian and White students is not considered racist, but is rather seen as a virtuous pursuit of “diversity, equity, and inclusion.” Topping it off, universities offer pricey degrees to students with little guarantee of job prospects and a crushing debt burden. For all of its talk of resisting Trumpian authoritarianism, America’s universities and colleges have eagerly accepted funds from countries like China, Russia, and Qatar while agitating for “Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions” against Israel.

American higher education offers U.S. adversaries a low-cost means of shaping public perception, steering popular sentiment, and accessing sensitive emerging technologies under the guise of “fundamental research.” In a report published last September, the House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party discovered that American academics were partnering with Chinese counterparts in sensitive areas of research funded by both the Department of Defense (DOD) and the Intelligence Community. The level of collaboration is staggering, as Congress noted over 8,800 publications coauthored between American and Chinese researchers on sensitive topics, and over 2,000 papers that published research funded by the DOD that were coauthored by Chinese researchers tied to Beijing’s defense industry. Last year, Georgia Tech University canceled its ties with China’s Tianjin University and the Shenzhen Municipal Government after it was discovered the partnership violated U.S. sanctions and that Georgia Tech was collaborating with China on semiconductor development related to hypersonic missile technology. China’s efforts in swaying higher education extend well beyond the sciences, as Beijing has used innocuous-sounding programs like Confucius Institutes to shape perception and direct soft-power influence abroad.

China and other authoritarians co-opt American universities through foreign funding that is not only pervasive but often goes unreported. Currently, Section 117 of the Higher Education Act mandates that universities report foreign funds to the government if they amount to more than $250,000. Congressional investigations have discovered that nearly 70% of universities not only fail to comply with Section 117, but that even universities that do comply under-report the amount of foreign gifts they receive. According to a database of foreign funds compiled by the National Association of Scholars, the top 20 donations in dollar amounts all come from China. Kean University alone reported a five-year Chinese contract worth $353,708,530. UCLA reported one Chinese contract spanning from 2018 to 2038 valued at $60,000,000. In both cases, the donors were listed as “unknown.” UC Berkeley alone failed to disclose $240 million from China in the form of contractual partnerships, investments, and gifts.

In a piece of legislation called the “Deterrent Act,” Congress is looking to lower the reporting threshold for such gifts to $0 for countries like China and Russia; however, this lower threshold does nothing to protect sovereignty in education or ensure that universities will comply. After all, universities do not comply as it is. What is needed is a watchdog that not only barks, but bites. With an aggressive Congress, Trump’s DOGE can solve academia’s vulnerabilities once and for all by taxing foreign funds at a rate of 100%, and by taxing endowment proceeds derived from Chinese funds. Universities are unique in that they have incentives to pursue money and prestige just as any normal business enterprise. Money from Beijing and Chinese firms offers colleges plenty of cash, while trips and research collaboration allow even remote U.S. colleges aspects of international prestige and openness where it would otherwise be lacking.

Unlike normal businesses, universities are exempt from the normal pressures of the real world. For example, an automaker that produces cars with low mileage per gallon and technology that prices out a consumer will lose market share and profits to its competitors. In contrast, a university can matriculate waves of graduates with debt and poor job skills for a decade and produce little quality research while retaining enrollment rates by virtue of an elite letterhead. Elite universities pay a low 1.4% on profits from endowments. Harvard’s endowment is estimated at a value of $52 billion, and is larger than Latvia’s economy. To tackle the U.S. national debt, valued at over $36 trillion, a DOGE-inspired bill proposed by Texas congressman Troy Nehls looks to raise taxes on university endowments to 21% to reduce annual deficits.

Combined, aggressively taxing endowments and foreign funds would change university incentives. Under 100% tax on foreign gifts, taxpayers would no longer be funding future casualties in a war with China. A tax on endowments to a level reminiscent of a “fair share,” would reduce the deficit and place elite universities on a level playing field with other investors. Currently, elite universities undermine national security and offer little in return for American citizens. A regulatory watchdog like DOGE that bites is an idea whose time has come.

https://amgreatness.com/2025/03/16/the-doge-solution-to-kicking-the-chinese-communist-party-out-of-american-higher-education/

ccp

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197 Chinese nationals students Kean University
« Reply #158 on: March 16, 2025, 10:03:46 PM »
https://www.collegefactual.com/colleges/kean-university/student-life/international/

I grew up literally down the street from Kean University .

It used to be farm land.  It has grown imensely when I drove by a few yrs. ago.
In the 60s there was a guy selling donuts on the corner out of a bus next to the big intersection at the end of the Kean parking lot.   Across the street were 2 homes dating back to the 1700s.  There were lifted and moves somewhere else.  All that was famous for those in the area.

Elizabeth dates back to 1664. Kean sits on the border and is in Union.
I took a summer class there in the very early 80s. 


Crafty_Dog

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Hillsdale educates Columbia
« Reply #160 on: March 22, 2025, 11:41:59 AM »

Crafty_Dog

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ccp

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Crafty_Dog

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Re: The Politics of Education
« Reply #163 on: April 19, 2025, 11:43:22 AM »


WSJ
Harvard and the View From Hillsdale
The small college doesn’t take federal money. Its president, Larry Arnn, argues higher education would be far better if no one did.
By Tunku Varadarajan
April 18, 2025 2:01 pm ET

As Donald Trump trains his guns on Harvard, the president of a small nondenominational Christian college in southern Michigan is licking his lips in anticipation of a battle royale that could redefine American higher education. Larry Arnn, 72, has been president of Hillsdale College since May 2000. The way his own little college is run is now “hot news.”
Mr. Trump’s war on Harvard is largely about federal money, and Mr. Arnn’s Hillsdale “doesn’t take a single cent of it,” he says. “Nobody gives us any money unless they want to.” This means Hillsdale, founded by Free Will Baptists in 1844, isn’t bound by government mandates tied to funding, such as Title IX. Harvard, he says, was “exclusively funded by the private sector for—what is it?—it’s got to be 250 years.” (Harvard was founded in 1636.) “And now, in this progressive era, if my calculations are right, they get $90,000 per student a year from the federal government.” He recommends that Harvard, which receives about $9 billion a year from Washington, emulate Hillsdale and get off the government dole.

“They should give it all up,” Mr. Arnn says. “They should make an honest living.”

Mr. Trump has acted to withhold federal funds from a raft of elite universities: Harvard ($2.26 billion), Cornell ($1 billion), Northwestern ($790 million), Brown ($510 million), Columbia ($400 million), Princeton ($210 million) and the University of Pennsylvania ($175 million). The gravamen of Mr. Trump’s complaint is the abject failure of these institutions to deal with antisemitism on campus, but the president has also demanded a broader crackdown on DEI compulsions and an expansion of viewpoint diversity among predominantly progressive faculty.

As the targeted universities consider their response—Harvard said this week that it intends to fight—a rumbling has arisen in conservative circles for the “Hillsdale model.” Hillsdale itself hasn’t been shy in this regard. Harvard tweeted these words by its president, Alan Garber, on Monday: “No government—regardless of which party is in power—should dictate what private universities can teach, whom they can admit and hire, and which areas of study and inquiry they can pursue.” Hillsdale responded with a taunt. “There is another way: Refuse taxpayer money.”

The college took a kick at Barack Obama after the former president lauded Harvard for “rejecting an unlawful and ham-handed attempt to stifle academic freedom.” Hillsdale’s response: “President Obama, we have thoughts on the next step Harvard could take in order to strengthen this position. (It has to do with federal funding.)”

Mr. Arnn laughs when I ask him about Hillsdale’s trolling of Harvard. “It’s long past time,” he says, for American universities to rethink their approach to money. “To have a liberal society, you have to have important things going on outside the government’s grip.” The federal government has “an outsized influence in the education system now, and they didn’t have that until about the 1960s.”

America would be a “better place if the sources of support for education were decentralized,” Mr. Arnn says. Schools like Harvard “get a lot of money from the taxpayer, and they don’t like what Trump is doing to them. Harvard is claiming to have a constitutional right both to the money and to do whatever they want.” But there are “rules that go along with taking that federal money.”

These rules are labyrinthine—and demanding. Some of them are set out in the Higher Education Act of 1965. Title IV, which governs student loans and other financial aid, “comprises several hundred pages of nearly unreadable rules.” Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act bans racial discrimination by institutions that take federal funds. Hillsdale doesn’t discriminate and might lose its tax exemption if it did. But refusing federal money frees it from bureaucratic burdens such as counting its students by race and reporting the results to Washington.

Not taking money from government is “liberating,” Mr. Arnn says. “You know, Harvard is a very great thing. It’s the oldest American university and it’s very distinguished—even today. But it’s not its own thing anymore.” Harvard is “funded in a system that funds every college in America, except a few—and that’s not good, right?” (Mr. Arnn has a gently interrogatory way of speaking that comes from having daily lunchtime conversations with students in the college cafeteria.)

There are “3,000 or so colleges in America, but there’s only a few that are rich and famous,” Mr. Arnn says. “It’s amazing how similar they are to one another in their outlook and their opinions.” It’s fashionable to complain nowadays, he says, that the “gazillionaires have too much influence in politics. Well, at least the good news is that they disagree with each other, and then you can have an argument.”

Borrowing a line of reasoning from the financial crisis of 2008-09—when certain banks were said to be “too big to fail”—I ask if places like Harvard are too big to forgo federal money. Is it realistic to expect a sprawling university with more than 21,000 students to be like Hillsdale (enrollment 1,400)?

“I doubt that,” he says. “I don’t understand the Harvard finances. Sometimes I wonder if they do. But they have a lot of money”—an endowment of $53.2 billion—“and they have fame, and they can have support. One reads that their budget is tight, and they act like it’s tight. So they spend a lot of money too. So shouldn’t it be done economically, and as economically as possible?”

Taking its chances in the market, Mr. Arnn believes, would make an “honest institution” of Harvard. A third of Harvard’s operating budget comes from “this one donor, and it’s the plurality of your support. And the donor is your government. It has the power of law, and it controls you.” In Mr. Arnn’s ideal world, the government is “actually supposed to be controlled by the society.” He laments that the government, “Republican and Democrat, tends to look at students like they’re factors of production.” Officials and the colleges they control “think they’re managing the future by managing what young people learn.”

In Mr. Arnn’s view, colleges are where a student “learns to be a good human being.” He regards as “very much the villains” that generation of educators who shaped the Progressive Era of American society in the early 20th century—foremost among them John Dewey (1859-1952), Frank Goodnow (1859-1939) and Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924)—“who began the transformation of American education into an exercise in power and a way to engineer the society.” That “undercut the idea of human freedom, and the old idea of what university was for, which was to understand the society and understand what would make a good society.”

Mr. Arnn lives as much in the real world as he does in the bosom of an old-fashioned Christian campus—which he traverses daily in his gleaming Tesla truck, purchased in December. “Admiration for the DOGE”—Department of Government Efficiency—“which I have in great measure, had something to do with my buying the truck. But I like the truck for its own sake.”

What is the president trying to accomplish in his attack on Harvard? “What’s happening right now is classic Trump,” Mr. Arnn says. “He’s negotiating, and I don’t know any better than anybody else what he intends, except he does appear to intend that Harvard is going to reform itself in some big ways.” It is his way “to ask for more than he is likely to get in the beginning. He seems to do that all the time.”
In his Monday response to the Trump administration, Harvard’s president objected to “direct governmental regulation of the ‘intellectual conditions’ at Harvard.” Mr. Arnn agrees: “I don’t think Trump ought to run Harvard. I doubt if he thinks that. But I do think that we’re spending a lot of money at Harvard. It’s a very unbalanced institution. And goodness’ sakes, some of the kids are not safe there, because of their race, or religion, or both. And so, should the taxpayer be funding that?”

He offers an anecdote that sheds light on the failings of elite colleges. He recently had in his office a prospective transfer student and her father. “Darned if he didn’t cry in my office when I told them what a college is for,” Mr. Arnn says. The student had told him she was a conservative. “I said, ‘Define the term for me, would you?’ And of course, she couldn’t. She’s 18. And I said, ‘See, it’s actually not about your opinions, right? You should try to find out what that is before you become one of them.’
“And that’s what we do at college. You come here to figure it out. And her dad, who’s a college professor, I swear he cried. And I told her, ‘See, there we see something abidingly true. He loves you. He was nervous about coming in this office, not because he’s afraid of me, but because he wants to protect you.’ We go to college to look for that.”

By which Mr. Arnn means colleges should strip the young of their illusions of omniscience and protect them from their innocence and ignorance—while teaching them. “That, I think, is what they don’t do” at Ivy League schools.

“I noticed the anti-Israel demonstrations were virulent and ugly,” he says. “I watched several interviews with the students who were demonstrating, and they didn’t seem to know very much about the history of the Middle East. And shouldn’t they be there learning that instead of trying to change policy about that? That means they’re off the rails.” They were like the young woman in his office, except that there was nobody there saying, “Let me teach you.” They were merely expressing themselves. “We all have a right to our opinion when we enter a college,” Mr. Arnn says. “But that is the place where it’s getting ready to be questioned. Every opinion.”

Mr. Arnn believes the real problem—a moral crisis, even—was that “Harvard and Columbia couldn’t define a reason to stop these protests last spring.” There wasn’t enough “integrity of purpose, of community,” for someone in authority to step in and say, “ ‘Enough, stop, get back to class.’ And I think that’s because they don’t have an agreement about what they’re there to do. It was astonishing to me. They couldn’t reach an agreement to go back to their work.”

He sees the beginning of a counterrevolution in American higher education: “Harvard has asserted a constitutional right against the government. That’s a fundamental dispute. Their letter to Trump contains some procedural accusations that look like the basis of a court case.” Mr. Trump seems to be spoiling for the fight. “I do think that this is the best prospect for ending up somewhere better than I have seen.”

Hillsdale is “a happy place” (and the week I spent on campus teaching a one-credit journalism course confirms this). Every student who attends the college “knows that there’s an honor code and a purpose to the college. You may not agree with it, but at least the taxpayer isn’t paying for it.” It’s understood that “you can say anything you want to, if you can say it in a civil and academic manner. And that means you don’t shout ‘dirty Jew’ at anybody.” Hillsdale will soon introduce a minor, and eventually a major, in Jewish studies, partially in solidarity with beleaguered Jews on other campuses.

Students here are free to make the argument that Israel is illegitimate. “Make it if you can. But if you want to say, ‘Run those people into the sea, and everybody like them, and everybody like them is evil,’ you can’t do that, because it breaks up the happy community.”

Harvard needs to reform, “or to change fundamentally the way they work,” Mr. Arnn says. “I think that would be a good idea. Harvard should be happy. It’s a great place. It’s very elite. Why is there so much strife there? There shouldn’t be.”
Mr. Varadarajan, a Journal contributor, is a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and at New York University Law School’s Classical Liberal Institute

ccp

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More on endowment rules
« Reply #164 on: April 19, 2025, 12:30:04 PM »
« Last Edit: April 20, 2025, 06:44:19 PM by Crafty_Dog »

Body-by-Guinness

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End All University Funding
« Reply #165 on: April 24, 2025, 05:52:07 AM »
I'm in the belly of this beast & approve of this message:

Stop All Federal Funding of Universities
"Education and genuine scholarship are too important to entrust to the whims of politicians and government bureaucrats."
QUOTH THE RAVEN
APR 24, 2025
By Connor O’Keeffe, Mises Institute

The Trump administration has found itself in a dispute with Harvard University. It began when the President’s team sent several Ivy League universities a list of changes they expected the schools to make.

The move is part of a new right-wing strategy which recognizes that we currently live under a vague, necessarily politicized system of civil rights law and aims to begin interpreting civil rights laws in ways more in line with the values and social aims of the right.

By threatening to withhold federal funds, the administration was able to get schools like Columbia University to agree to enact changes like banning masks, granting campus police more powers, and appointing an administrator to oversee the Middle East Studies Department with the authority to crack down on rhetoric about Israel that the administration considers antisemitic.

Harvard, however, refused to abide by the administration’s demands. As a result, Trump froze a little over $2 billion in federal funds going to the school last week and announced plans to freeze an additional $1 billion earlier this week—all while threatening to withhold all $9 billion the Ivy League school receives from the federal government each year if they refuse to agree to the President’s demands.

The showdown is largely being framed as either a battle to protect academic freedom from an authoritarian president or an overdue effort to rescue one of the nation’s oldest universities from the radical far-left administrators leading it off course.

But as politicians, pundits, and university officials battle over which characterization is accurate and, therefore, what ought to happen next, few are paying any attention to one of the more outrageous details that this dispute has brought attention to: that taxpayers are being forced to send $9 billion a year to one of the wealthiest colleges in the world.

The $9 billion figure comes from several federal programs—including education initiatives, student aid, research grants, student loan guarantees, and funding for the university’s affiliated hospitals. Much of this funding is composed of multi-year grants and contracts, but the annual figure does, indeed, tend to land around $9 billion.

And that’s just Harvard. Zoom out, and you’ll find that those same federal programs are forcing the over-taxed, heavily-indebted, inflation-rattled American public to send well over $100 billion to colleges and universities every single year.


Conservatives and free-market advocates are right to point out whenever the topic of student debt forgiveness is brought up that such a program is, in effect, a wealth transfer from poorer, working-class Americans without college degrees to their better-off, frequently white-collar, college-educated counterparts. But the same is true for all programs that transfer tax dollars to colleges and universities.

Beyond being blatantly unjust, the federal money pouring into higher education is the main factor behind the exploding cost of college in recent decades. In the name of making college more affordable, the federal government effectively took over the student loan market in the US and—primarily by extending government loan guarantees—expanded the level of lending far beyond what private lenders were willing to provide.

That created significantly more demand for college, which jacked up the price. Then, the artificially high prices forced even more students to turn to loans to afford school, which required more government loan guarantees, which made prices even higher, meaning more loans were needed, and on and on. All the while, the government has started and expanded direct federal spending programs on education that have only fueled the affordability death spiral.

This has been terrible for every non-wealthy student or family straining to pay for a college degree, and all the people who could not afford to go to college at all who are still forced to fund all the government subsidies causing this mess. But, it’s important to understand, this setup has been great for the universities who have gotten to enjoy filling their campuses with cartoonishly lavish buildings and resort-level accommodations, while bloating their administrations with diversity officers, sustainability directors, and other ideological positions.

It has also been great for the politicians and government bureaucrats who have gained leverage over the schools educating the next generation and the scholars and intellectuals currently researching topics relevant to those running our federal government.

In other words, federal higher education policy is best understood as one big government-run scam that’s enriching and empowering a small group of ideological administrators and bureaucrats at our expense. It is, in that way, no different from the healthcare system—through which schools like Harvard are also receiving money through their hospitals.

That is the big unspoken truth at the core of this debate about what the Trump administration is doing with Harvard. A president like Trump can exert control over the internal policies of these universities because of how unnecessarily reliant they are on government money. And widespread pushing of highly unpopular progressive dogmas in classrooms and professional scholarship can only happen at this large a scale because of how—and how much—higher ed and academia are subsidized in modern America.

There is only one genuine and permanent solution to these problems. Halt all federal funding—direct and indirect—for these “private” colleges and universities.

As long as these schools rely on politicians to fund their operations, they will always be politicized. There is no escaping that. And, on the other side, even if Trump is totally victorious and gets Harvard to capitulate on everything, there is functionally nothing stopping the next Democrat to win the presidency from reversing everything Trump did.

Education and genuine scholarship are too important to entrust to the whims of politicians and government bureaucrats. Research and scholarship that is actually valuable does not require forcing people to fund it against their will. And the American people cannot afford to keep sending a significant portion of their money to the well-off and well-connected. These problems are extensive, but the solution is straightforward: stop forcing us to fund these universities.

https://quoththeraven.substack.com/p/stop-all-federal-funding-of-universities?r=2k0c5&triedRedirect=true

Body-by-Guinness

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Harvard: Wholly Owned Subsidary of "Progressive" Ideologues
« Reply #166 on: May 22, 2025, 10:40:16 AM »
Former Harvard prof. unloads on the school:

Christopher F. Rufo, Ryan Thorpe
Harvard Researcher: the University Is “Totally Corrupted”
Omar Sultan Haque condemns the school for abandoning truth in favor of racialism.
/ Eye on the News / Education, The Social Order
May 20 2025
/ Share
Omar Sultan Haque has spent 23 years at Harvard University. He is furious about what has happened within the school.

While the media have framed the recent fight between Harvard and President Donald Trump in partisan terms, Haque believes that the problem goes much deeper than political score-settling. As he rose through the ranks—from graduate student to postdoctoral fellow to medical researcher to faculty member at Harvard Medical School—Haque watched the university gradually abandon the pursuit of truth and replace it with left-wing racialism.

Rather than stay silent, Haque has spoken out. Last year, he wrote an essay about his experience and has continued to criticize the university throughout the recent campus turmoil. As Haque sees it, Harvard cannot be reformed from within. It’s an unconscious patient and requires CPR to survive.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

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City Journal: Give us a sense of the ideological landscape and your experience at Harvard.

Omar Sultan Haque: Unlike many others at Harvard, I have no dramatic cancellation, or intellectual persecution, or struggle session to report. I stopped teaching at Harvard last year primarily because of its anti-truth-seeking culture, radical left-wing bias, racial and gender discrimination, and prevailing anti-intellectualism, which made continued participation a poor use of time. There are exceptions, but on the whole Harvard has strayed from its foundational mission of unbiased truth-seeking and has become ideologically driven, too often resembling a secular church or a partisan think tank. The university’s culture and practices prioritize ideological conformity over open inquiry and debate, suppressing dissenting viewpoints and compromising academic freedom. This shift undermines the core values of a secular university and poses a threat to the integrity of academia and broader society.

CJ: How have DEI initiatives affected day-to-day life at Harvard?

Haque: The university may have changed the official name of its DEI office to use more nebulous euphemisms, but DEI and “Diet DEI” (a diluted form) have the same effects in practices, norms, and the larger culture of orthodoxy and taboo. Diet DEI is just more dishonest. The university has made some progress by eliminating racially segregated graduations and required DEI loyalty oaths in one of its many schools—mandatory diversity statements when applying for a job—but the larger culture of DEI is the problem. Some tropes remain popular on campus that are legacies of left-wing racism, such as the idea that a person’s racial identity is central to one’s academic study; that people should be sorted into “oppressor” and “oppressed” groups by their immutable characteristics; that racism is specific to one race rather than a universal, sinful propensity in human nature; and that lowering academic or behavioral standards for certain racial groups is not happening (when advocates are confronted with evidence that it is happening, they argue that the practice is justified). These beliefs infect teaching, research, grading standards, hiring, promotions, campus debate, what is considered an acceptable topic for invited lectures, what projects get funded, and so on.

CJ: In your observation, has Harvard continued to engage in discriminatory admissions and hiring?

Haque: Yes, of course! There is endless evidence at Harvard, in student admissions and faculty and staff hiring, that people are, in effect, sorted via a left-wing segregation filter: competing primarily against others of the same race and sometimes gender. One colleague at Harvard Law School who served for years on the admissions committee flat-out admitted this to me recently. That is why Harvard tries to cover its tracks and hide admissions data and post-admissions performance metrics that predictably result from separate and unequal admissions standards. The eye-popping data on biases against Asians and whites in admissions have already been exposed [in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard]. A corporation with identical racist practices would have been sued out of existence decades ago; why the exception for a wealthy university? The data on faculty and staff hiring and promotions reveal even more obvious evidence of discrimination. Just examine whether people in the same positions are similarly accomplished. No need to call Sherlock Holmes.

With SFFA, I thought the discrimination would end. But after the ruling, I saw Harvard’s first essay prompt for applicants to the university: “Harvard has long recognized the importance of enrolling a diverse student body. How will the life experiences that shape who you are today enable you to contribute to Harvard?”

So, Harvard has this sneaky, but technically legal, escape hatch from the Supreme Court ruling. Admissions officers can ask about “life experience” (wink, wink), and use that to sort applicants by race and assess them accordingly. They don’t ask about patriotism or spirituality, only diversity. The university’s recalcitrance and denial, its commitment to DEI, and its rationalization of racial discrimination has been truly shocking.

CJ: What is your sense of the political makeup of Harvard’s students, faculty, and administrators?

Haque: Per surveys, Harvard has become much more ideologically homogeneous than conservative and religious schools like Hillsdale.  As a result, Harvard is too narrow-minded in scholarship, myopic, intolerant, and anti-intellectual. It favors progressive viewpoints to the detriment of open inquiry, especially on social, moral, and political topics in teaching and research. Courses, exams, research, trainings, grants, and campus life too often become predictable exercises in mouthing univariate explanations and dogmatic platitudes. Harvard’s institutional culture increasingly functions as a combined finishing school and seminary, not for a traditional religion, but for the progressive Left and the Democratic Party. It’s a totally corrupted institution.

CJ: What is your sense of how Harvard’s administration is responding to its ongoing fight with the Trump administration? Do you believe that Harvard deserves federal funding?

Haque: I think the Trump administration overstepped by making illegal requests in addition to legitimate ones, and may have undermined the prospects of long-term change. Yet, Harvard should follow the Civil Rights Act; defying it will not end well. President Alan Garber is incorrect that the government can’t enforce laws regarding whom the universities can admit and hire. (Editor’s note: in a public statement, Garber said that “No government—regardless of which party is in power—should dictate what private universities can teach, whom they can admit and hire, and which areas of study and inquiry they can pursue.”) Yes, the government can: racial discrimination is illegal, and no one should be admitted, hired, or promoted based on race, gender, or sexual orientation. Harvard appears to me to be willing to sink the ship to keep its racist policies and practices going, because those ideals are so central to the self-concept of the median wealthy liberal.

CJ: Do you still consider Harvard a university in the proper sense of the word?

Haque: Outside of fields where people use equations, Harvard is a non-sectarian university only in name. It has been captured and subverted: from syllabi to exams, from admissions to graduation, from hiring to promotion. Harvard remains in denial of its own radicalism. It sneers and looks down on most of America and on American values like color-blind equality, meritocracy, free speech, hard work, and individual responsibility. Today, Harvard resembles an aging billionaire secluded in his mansion, consumed by narrow moral obsessions, clutching his treasures, disconnected from a world he scorns. He fades into sanctimonious irrelevance, even as the world moves on to create alternative, courageous, and truly American educational institutions—better ones—unapologetically committed to the pursuit of truth, wherever it leads.

Christopher F. Rufo is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a contributing editor of City Journal, and the author of America’s Cultural Revolution. Ryan Thorpe is an investigative reporter at the Manhattan Institute.

https://www.city-journal.org/article/harvard-university-left-bias-trump-omar-sultan-haque


Body-by-Guinness

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It’s worth noting that the funding control discussed here cuts more than one direction. Anyone daring to take issue with/ the Church of Anthropomorphic Climate Apocalypse, for instance, have found their research funding throttled for decades, which has produced over a generation of “scientists” singing from the same CACA hymnal, for one:

https://www.americanthinker.com/blog/2025/05/the_new_york_times_concedes_that_harvard_can_t_fight_trump.html

Body-by-Guinness

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First Harvard Prof. Since the 1940s Stripped of Tenure & Fired
« Reply #169 on: May 27, 2025, 11:19:31 AM »
In ed biz circles this is a Big Deal given how rarely it occurs. She was a business prof. ironically researching honesty/deception behaviors:

https://nypost.com/2025/05/27/us-news/harvard-professor-of-honesty-stripped-of-tenure-fired-for-manipulating-data-in-studies/?utm_source=twitter&utm_campaign=nypost&utm_medium=social

Crafty_Dog

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Ben Sasse: Can President Trump force Harvard to improve?
« Reply #170 on: May 31, 2025, 07:51:52 AM »

BBG:

What say you?
=============================================

Can Trump Force Harvard to Improve?
Probably not. But the president’s supporters hope the example will cause leaders of other universities to get serious about reform.
By Ben Sasse
May 30, 2025 3:07 pm ET

Three outcomes are possible in Donald Trump’s war with Harvard: Scenario one is that the nation’s top private universities remain delusional about the dozen reasons a large and growing share of the public distrusts them. The “plan” is to avoid institutional course-correction and seek protection from the courts and ultimate rescue from the Democratic Party in 2029 or after.

Scenario two is that Mr. Trump and other populist-inspired politicians force change from without by intervening more consistently and even more forcefully in the internal operations of these schools.

Scenario three is that substantive reform comes from within these schools, or at least some of them. That would require their leaders to listen humbly to a broad range of legitimate criticisms—about the cowering before vandals and antisemites, about endless celebration of regressive identity politics, about administrative bloat and indefensible tuition hikes, and about the corruption of teaching and research—the nearly 4.0 average grades across the humanities, tenure rates of 80% and 90%, and a replication crisis in many fields. After deliberation and introspection, boards and presidents would need to announce publicly a reform agenda with precise goals and a specific timetable.

Many Americans have a rooting interest in the conflict between Harvard and Mr. Trump. I’ll put my cards on the table and acknowledge my ideal that reform come from within for these important institutions. (I have a bachelor’s degree from Harvard and a daughter who commissioned out of Harvard ROTC into the Air Force.) But I also understand why one might think it naive to expect anything of the sort, given that top universities have for decades arrogantly resisted any critique of their drift into shallow partisanship, especially in the humanities and social sciences.

Public distrust is not only increasing but accelerating—Gallup tracks a collapse from nearly 60% of the public judging higher education a valuable sector a decade ago to barely a third today, including a precipitous fall among Democrats as well as Republicans. It’s bizarre that self-styled champions of higher education would wish for a listless no-reform scenario and thereby the increasing political ghettoization of elite universities. And if scenario two isn’t already inevitable, the pursuit of scenario one heightens its probability in the long term, as the pendulum of partisan elections sooner or later swings back to the Republicans.

Every constructive path forward therefore requires the Ivy League and Ivy-adjacent schools to acknowledge they’ve screwed up. Although their crests once represented the most distinguished education in the world, years of misguided administration have left them academically adrift. Top-tier universities act entitled to elite status, even as they neglect the necessary work of persuading fellow citizens of their value and seriousness. Standards are slipping and political activism has been on the rise in classrooms, all in the public eye. When those entrusted with massive endowments fail to acknowledge valid criticism and correct course, is it any wonder they trigger a backlash?

In response, a thirsty White House has begun launching a broad range of weapons at the richest and best known of these universities. Harvard is under investigation for tolerating antisemitism in violation of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. It has seen $2.6 billion of National Science Foundation, National Institutes for Health and other federal grants canceled. It has learned its students’ Perkins grants, Stafford loans and Pell grants could be at risk. Federal contracts have been frozen. The ability to admit foreign students, who constitute 27% of Harvard’s student population and a larger share of tuition revenue, has been withdrawn, though a court has enjoined that move. Mr. Trump has said he wants to revoke the university’s tax-exempt status, and congressional Republicans seek to raise the tax on income from the largest endowments—with Harvard’s $53 billion sitting atop the leaderboard.

These punishments fall along a continuum of tightly connected to tangentially connected to unrelated to the school’s alleged misdeeds. But the most invested observers seem either strongly against Harvard or strongly against Mr. Trump, and thus relatively uninterested in proportionality or due process.

The administration speaks of Harvard as an undifferentiated monolith. In reality, large universities are like cities filled with different neighborhoods, projects and ventures rather than a single-purpose organization with one set of books reporting through a definable structure to an identifiable boss. A college president is more like a mayor than a company CEO.

The American university—with roots in both the German scientific tradition and the English residential college—is esteemed around the world partly because of its awkward combination of advanced research and undergraduate teaching in one complex organization. When it works, it sparks extraordinary and unpredictable dynamism, as in Silicon Valley over the past-half century. When it doesn’t, the lack of accountability infuriates the citizens who pick up a large subsidy tab to feed pap and poison to the students we’re told are our nation’s future leaders.

The public’s biggest gripes about top universities center on the politicization of the humanities and the lack of accountability in the teaching enterprise amid skyrocketing expenditures, whereas the easiest governmental leverage to deploy against a place like Harvard is turning off the federal research funding spigot. But what does the cutting-edge biomedical researcher or computer scientist have to do with woke orientation staff foisting racial division into every corner of freshman arrival week? Not much. And political threats to revoke Harvard’s tax-exempt status are constitutionally egregious. As Chief Justice John Marshall famously observed in McCulloch v. Maryland (1819), “the power to tax involves the power to destroy.”

Nonetheless, Harvard isn’t owed in perpetuity the discretionary billions of federal funding it has received in the past. There’s a massive gulf between finding new cancer treatments and funding campus wackiness, between developing digital technologies to enable synthetic biology and subsidizing activist professors’ Hamas advocacy. Funding basic science through competing universities arguably has the highest return on investment of any work the federal government does. But the public has reason to doubt that boards and presidents have the backbone to ensure the dollars they steward actually support real science over culture-warring that masquerades as expertise.

And so the administration sees an opportunity—and among its more serious members, an obligation—to force reform from outside. Even though personal vendettas and popular rage can only destroy, fans of the vigorous approach see it as creative destruction: If Harvard won’t reform, at least publicly punishing it might indirectly yield reform at Dartmouth.

Anyone who has listened to the doublespeak coming from Columbia’s leadership at the end of a gun in recent months should doubt that foxhole conversions will yield lasting improvement. But go one layer deeper. Imagine a world-renowned gene therapist at Harvard Medical School. If the Harvard name kills any chance of renewing his federal grant, what does he do? Dust off his résumé and look for a new home. Here the administration thinks it might have a market-making tool: encourage brain drain from Harvard.

In this respect, higher education’s failures are high-profile case studies in our larger crisis of civil society. In institution after institution, in sector after sector, center-left leaders in recent decades went from understanding that most Americans are in the middle on most debates to making the bizarre misjudgment that the loudest voices on the culture-war left were the constituencies to which they were accountable.

The result has been that the center-right plurality of Americans understandably judge normies as under assault, and thus they fearfully drift toward greater tolerance of meat-ax approaches from the right, whose illiberalism seems preferable to the illiberalism of the left. This “choice” between two illiberalisms is tragic because it is false.

Culture warriors of neither the left nor the right are interested in or capable of rebuilding the social cohesion of postwar America. The worldview and institutional pluralism that long defined the best of our political tradition has gone into seemingly permanent remission. Mr. Trump’s targeting of Harvard would have been far more off-putting to far more Americans if it didn’t come after the Obama administration’s targeting of organizations like the Little Sisters of the Poor.

Using the federal government merely to punish partisan enemies is unlikely to yield reform inside any particular institution, but the administration’s defenders believe blunt force to make an example of someone is the one tool that’s not been tried by the right before—and that such a spectacle might make boards at other universities get serious about their own missions. Or at least it will make for titillating social media.

Mr. Sasse is a former president of the University of Florida and Midland University. He served as a U.S. senator from Nebraska, 2015-23.

Body-by-Guinness

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Re: Ben Sasse: Can President Trump force Harvard to improve?
« Reply #171 on: May 31, 2025, 03:45:07 PM »

BBG:

What say you?
=============================================

I think that accepting the sorts of changes Trump seeks to impose would require a degree of self-reflections that would cause these educrats to realize their entire world view is both poisonous and responsible for outcomes that are antithetical to the outcomes and values they claim to hold dear. Given that they will choose to continue to demonize all things Trump—albeit a bit less shrilly as it’s impacting their bottom line—while plotting to pull some rabbit out of the hat that will finally rid them of the Bad Orange Man as doing so is less painful that gazing intensely into the mirror.

Trump’s not stupid, though, and as he starves these institutions of their fiscal and perhaps ideological oxygen he’ll engineer further structural changes, like supporting trade schools, demolishing the NGOs so many of these institutions’ graduates take perch in, outing the economic interconnections between all these “Progressive” players, demonstrating just how deeply the MSM is in the pocket of “Progressives,” tying together all the disparate strands of open borders, vote fraud, playing footsie with China, federal funding, et al and use the resulting rope to tie unblemished failures of “Progressivism” around their collective necks and kick that weight off an aircraft carrier right above the Marina Trench.

So, while all these educrat weenies try to fill sandbags enough to last past the 2028 finish line in the hope of surviving the Bad Orange Man they won’t be noticing all the structural rugs that have been pulled out from underneath them until way too late….
« Last Edit: May 31, 2025, 03:47:32 PM by Body-by-Guinness »

DougMacG

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Re: Ben Sasse: Can President Trump force Harvard to improve?
« Reply #172 on: Today at 06:42:44 AM »
Well said!

We have these institutions that have misbehaved over and over and over yet keep the prestige of their name, Harvard, Nobel, Pulitzer, ABC, NBC, CBS, NYT, UN, WHO ...  They keep the prestige of their name until one day when they don't and a critical mass can see them as just dishonest, left wing fringe activist organizations.  Right now Harvard is at the tip of the spear. The charges made against them are all true. The scrutiny and sanctions are deserved. Like the biased media's reaction to being exposed, their reaction is to turn even more biased, more radical, more extreme, more defiant, and the fight goes on.

 It was the first college founded in the colonies going on 400 years ago. Why aren't they satisfied with being the best in the world at what they were founded to be?

Their graduates can go on to become highly influential partisans like Blackmun, Brennan, Breyer, Ginsburg, Jackson et al, but the institution should be ostensibly non partisan.

Those days are gone.

DougMacG

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Re: Ben Sasse: Can President Trump force Harvard to improve?
« Reply #173 on: Today at 06:45:35 AM »
Well said!

We have these institutions that have misbehaved over and over and over yet keep the prestige of their name, Harvard, Nobel, Pulitzer, ABC, NBC, CBS, NYT, UN, WHO ...  They keep the prestige of their name until one day when they don't and a critical mass can see them as just dishonest, left wing fringe activist organizations.  Right now Harvard is at the tip of the spear. The charges made against them are all true. The scrutiny and sanctions are deserved. Like the biased media's reaction to being exposed, their reaction is to turn even more biased, more radical, more extreme, more defiant, and the fight goes on.

 It was the first college founded in the colonies going on 400 years ago. Why aren't they satisfied with being the best in the world at what they were founded to be?

Their graduates can go on to become highly influential partisans like Blackmun, Brennan, Breyer, Ginsburg, Jackson et al, but the institution should be ostensibly non partisan.

Those days are gone.

Body-by-Guinness

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Cases in Point
« Reply #174 on: Today at 09:13:41 AM »
I usually work convocations and commencements at my institution as I like to see the kids filing past, some of whom I hired, taught, or worked with. This year new duties kept me from doing much, but I was behind the scenes a bit.

One of the things I noted were “calming teams” whose job was to escort out anyone who disrupted or went of script as gently as possible. I figure if “disrupters” were taken down like jaguars on an antelope there’d be less disruption, but that ain’t my call to make. I do think it’s telling though that some schools have a plan, while others appear complicit in the disruptions:

https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2025/06/it_s_graduation_time_again.html