SPIEGEL ONLINE - May 31, 2006, 03:04 PM
URL:
http://service.spiegel.de/cache/international/spiegel/0,1518,418930,00.htmlOpinion
Why I Published the Muhammad Cartoons
By Flemming Rose
European political correctness allows Muslims to resist integration, argues
the culture editor of Jyllands-Posten. Instead, Muslims should be treated
just like all Europeans -- including being subject to satire. He argues that
publishing the caricatures was an act of "inclusion, not exclusion."
REUTERS
The burning of a Danish flag in Islamabad, Pakistan.
The worldwide furor unleashed by the cartoons of the Prophet Muhammed that I
published last September in Jyllands-Posten, the Danish newspaper where I
work, was both a surprise and a tragedy, especially for those directly
affected by it. Lives were lost, buildings were torched and people were
driven into hiding.
And yet the unbalanced reactions to the not-so-provocative caricatures --
loud denunciations and even death threats toward us, but very little outrage
toward the people who attacked two Danish Embassies -- unmasked unpleasant
realities about Europe's failed experiment with multiculturalism. It's time
for the Old Continent to face facts and make some profound changes in its
outlook on immigration, integration and the coming Muslim demographic surge.
After decades of appeasement and political correctness, combined with
growing fear of a radical minority prepared to commit serious violence,
Europe's moment of truth is here.
Europe today finds itself trapped in a posture of moral relativism that is
undermining its liberal values. An unholy three-cornered alliance between
Middle East dictators, radical imams who live in Europe and Europe's
traditional left wing is enabling a politics of victimology. This politics
drives a culture that resists integration and adaptation, perpetuates
national and religious differences and aggravates such debilitating social
ills as high immigrant crime rates and entrenched unemployment.
As one who once championed the utopian state of multicultural bliss, I think
I know what I'm talking about. I was raised on the ideals of the 1960s, in
the midst of the Cold War. I saw life through the lens of the
countercultural turmoil, adopting both the hippie pose and the political
superiority complex of my generation. I and my high school peers believed
that the West was imperialistic and racist. We analyzed decaying Western
civilization through the texts of Marx and Engels and lionized John Lennon's
beautiful but stupid tune about an ideal world without private property:
"Imagine no possessions/ I wonder if you can/ No need for greed or hunger/ A
brotherhood of man/ Imagine all the people/ Sharing all the world."
BIO BOX
Flemming Rose, 48, is culture editor of Jyllands- Posten, the Danish
newspaper that set off a wave of protests in the Islamic world when it
published a series of cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad.
It took me only 10 months as a young student in the Soviet Union in 1980-81
to realize what a world without private property looks like, although many
years had to pass until the full implications of the central Marxist dogma
became clear to me.
That experience was the beginning of a long intellectual journey that has
thus far culminated in the reactions to the Muhammed cartoons. Politically,
I came of age in the Soviet Union. I returned there in 1990 to spend 11
years as a foreign correspondent. Through close contact with courageous
dissidents who were willing to suffer and go to prison for their belief in
the ideals of Western democracy, I was cured of my wooly dreams of
idealistic collectivism. I had a strong sense of the high price my friends
were willing to pay for the very freedoms that we had taken for granted in
high school -- but did not grasp as values inherent in our civilization:
freedom of speech, religion, assembly and movement. Justice and equality
implies equal opportunity, I learned, not equal outcome.
Now, in Europe's failure to grapple realistically with its dramatically
changing demographic picture, I see a new parallel to that Cold War journey.
Europe's left is deceiving itself about immigration, integration and Islamic
radicalism today the same way we young hippies deceived ourselves about
Marxism and communism 30 years ago. It is a narrative of confrontation and
hierarchy that claims that the West exploits, abuses and marginalizes the
Islamic world. Left-wing intellectuals have insisted that the Danes were
oppressing and marginalizing Muslim immigrants. This view comports precisely
with the late Edward Said's model of Orientalism, which argues that experts
on the Orient and the Muslim world have not depicted it as it is but as some
dreaded "other," as exactly the opposite of ourselves -- that should
therefore to be rejected. The West, in this narrative, is democratic, the
East is despotic. We are rational, they are irrational.
This kind of thinking gave birth to a distorted approach to immigration in
countries like Denmark. Left-wing commentators decided that Denmark was both
racist and Islamophobic. Therefore, the chief obstacle to integration was
not the immigrants' unwillingness to adapt culturally to their adopted
country (there are 200,000 Danish Muslims now); it was the country's
inherent racism and anti-Muslim bias.
A cult of victimology arose and was happily exploited by clever radicals
among Europe's Muslims, especially certain religious leaders like Imam Ahmad
Abu Laban in Denmark and Mullah Krekar in Norway. Mullah Krekar -- a Kurdish
founder of Ansar al Islam who this spring was facing an expulsion order from
Norway -- called our publication of the cartoons "a declaration of war
against our religion, our faith and our civilization. Our way of thinking is
penetrating society and is stronger than theirs. This causes hate in the
Western way of thinking; as the losing side, they commit violence."
The role of victim is very convenient because it frees the self-declared
victim from any responsibility, while providing a posture of moral
superiority. It also obscures certain inconvenient facts that might suggest
a different explanation for the lagging integration of some immigrant groups
-- such as the relatively high crime rates, the oppression of women and a
tradition of forced marriage.
Dictatorships in the Middle East and radical imams have adopted the jargon
of the European left, calling the cartoons racist and Islamophobic. When
Westerners criticize their lack of civil liberties and the oppression of
women, they say we behave like imperialists. They have adopted the rhetoric
and turned it against us.
These events are occurring against the disturbing backdrop of increasingly
radicalized Muslims in Europe. Muhammed Atta, the 9/11 ringleader, became a
born-again Muslim after he moved to Europe. So did the perpetrators behind
the bombings in Madrid and London. The same goes for Mohammed Bouyeri, the
young Muslim who slaughtered filmmaker Theo van Gogh in Amsterdam. Europe,
not the Middle East, may now be the main breeding ground for Islamic
terrorism.
Lessons from the United States
What's wrong with Europe? For one thing, Europe's approach to immigration
and integration is rooted in its historic experience with relatively
homogeneous cultures. In the United States one's definition of nationality
is essentially political; in Europe it is historically cultural. I am a Dane
because I look European, speak Danish, descend from centuries of other
Scandinavians. But what about the dark, bearded new Danes who speak Arabic
at home and poor Danish in the streets? We Europeans must make a profound
cultural adjustment to understand that they, too, can be Danes.
Another great impediment to integration is the European welfare state.
Because Europe's highly developed, but increasingly unaffordable, safety
nets provide such strong unemployment insurance and not enough incentive to
work, many new immigrants go straight onto the dole.
While it can be argued that the fast-growing community of about 20 million
Muslim immigrants in Europe is the equivalent of America's new Hispanic
immigrants, the difference in their productivity and prosperity is
staggering. An Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development study
in 1999 showed that while immigrants in the United States are almost equal
to native-born workers as taxpayers and contributors to American prosperity,
in Denmark there is a glaring gap of 41 percent between the contributions of
the native-born and of the immigrants. In the United States, a laid-off
worker gets an average of 32 percent compensation for his former wages in
welfare services; in Denmark the figure is 81 percent. A culture of welfare
dependency is rife among immigrants, and it is taken for granted.
What to do? Obviously, we can never return to the comfortable monocultures
of old. A demographic revolution is changing the face, and look, of Europe.
In an age of mass migration and the Internet, cheap air fares and mobile
phones everywhere, cultural pluralism is an irreversible fact, like it or
not. A nostalgic longing for cultural purity -- racial purity, religious
purity -- easily descends into ethnic cleansing.
Yet multiculturalism that has all too often become mere cultural relativism
is an indefensible proposition that often justifies reactionary and
oppressive practices. Giving the same weight to the illiberal values of
conservative Islam as to the liberal traditions of the European
Enlightenment will, in time, destroy the very things that make Europe such a
desirable target for migration.
Europe must shed the straitjacket of political correctness, which makes it
impossible to criticize minorities for anything -- including violations of
laws, traditional mores and values that are central to the European
experience. Two experiences tell the tale for me.
Shortly after the horrific 2002 Moscow musical theater siege by Chechen
terrorists that left 130 dead, I met with one of my old dissident friends,
Sergei Kovalev. A hero of the human rights movement in the old Soviet Union,
Kovalev had long been a defender of the Chechens and a critic of the Russian
attacks on Chechnya. But after the theater massacre he refused, as always,
to indulge in politically correct drivel about the Chechens' just fight for
secession and decolonization. He unhesitatingly denounced the terrorists,
and insisted that a nation's right to self-determination did not imply a
free ticket to kill and violate basic individual rights. For me, it was a
clarifying moment on the dishonesty of identity politics and the sometime
tyranny of elevating group rights above those of individuals -- of
justifying the killing of innocents in the name of some higher cause.
The other experience was a trip I made in the 1990s, when I was a
correspondent based in the United States, to the Brighton Beach neighborhood
of Brooklyn, N.Y. There I wrote a story about the burgeoning, bustling,
altogether vibrant Russian immigrant community that had arisen there -- a
perfect example of people retaining some of their old cultural identity
(drinking samovars of tea, playing hours of chess and attending church)
while quickly taking advantage of America's free and open capitalism to
establish an economic foothold. I marveled at America's ability to absorb
newcomers. It was another clarifying moment.
An act of inclusion. Equal treatment is the democratic way to overcome
traditional barriers of blood and soil for newcomers. To me, that means
treating immigrants just as I would any other Danes. And that's what I felt
I was doing in publishing the 12 cartoons of Muhammad last year. Those
images in no way exceeded the bounds of taste, satire and humor to which I
would subject any other Dane, whether the queen, the head of the church or
the prime minister. By treating a Muslim figure the same way I would a
Christian or Jewish icon, I was sending an important message: You are not
strangers, you are here to stay, and we accept you as an integrated part of
our life. And we will satirize you, too. It was an act of inclusion, not
exclusion; an act of respect and recognition.
Alas, some Muslims did not take it that way -- though it required a highly
organized campaign, several falsified (and very nasty) cartoons and several
months of overseas travel for the aggrieved imams to stir up an
international reaction.
DPA
Flemming Rose, culture editor of the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten, which
originally published the Muhammad cartoons.
Maybe Europe needs to take a leaf -- or a whole book -- from the American
experience. In order for new Europe of many cultures that is somehow a
single entity to emerge, in a manner similar to the experience of the United
States, both sides will have to make an effort -- the native-born and the
newly arrived.
For the immigrants, the expectation that they not only learn the host
language but also respect their new countries' political and cultural
traditions is not too much to demand, and some stringent (maybe too
stringent) new laws are being passed to force that. At the same time,
Europeans must show a willingness to jettison entrenched notions of blood
and soil and accept people from foreign countries and cultures as just what
they are, the new Europeans.
Flemming Rose is culture editor of Jyllands-Posten, the largest newspaper in
Denmark.
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