second
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2025/05/12/trump-netanyahu-middle-east-trip/ Trump repeatedly bypasses Netanyahu, stoking dismay among Israelis
Benjamin Netanyahu has long trumpeted his ties to Trump. But the president is sidelining him on urgent issues like the Iran nuclear talks and the conflict with Houthi rebels.
May 12, 2025 at 2:00 a.m. EDTToday at 2:00 a.m. EDT
By Gerry Shih
JERUSALEM — During his first major overseas trip this week, President Donald Trump is set to visit three countries in the Middle East — Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates — without stopping in Jerusalem.
It’s not the first time he has bypassed Israel — or Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
From embarking on nuclear talks with Iran to attempting hostage talks with Hamas without Israel’s knowledge, Trump has increasingly sidelined Netanyahu, stoking anxieties in a country long accustomed to being consulted by successive U.S. administrations.
Last week, Israelis believed they saw more cracks emerge between the “America First” president and Israel, after Trump said he had struck a truce with Yemen’s Houthi rebels that curbed the group’s attacks on U.S. ships — but did not cover Israel. Days later, reports emerged that Trump was considering offering Saudi Arabia access to civil nuclear technology without demanding that the kingdom normalize relations with Israel, a precondition that had been set by former president Joe Biden.
On Sunday, senior Hamas leader Khalil al-Hayya said the group would release Israeli American hostage Edan Alexander following direct talks with U.S. officials.
Now, many Israelis are wondering whether Israel is the next U.S. ally to be left behind by a president they considered, just months ago, to be the most pro-Israel in history.
“It’s disconcerting,” said Michael Oren, a former Israeli ambassador to Washington.
“It’s total panic,” said Shalom Lipner, a former Netanyahu aide and a fellow at the Atlantic Council, describing the mood in Jerusalem.
Israeli concerns about Trump’s negotiations with Iran and other threats to Israel “are not being taken into account, or if they are, they’re dismissed,” said Dennis Ross, a former senior State Department official who served as a Middle East envoy under both Democratic and Republican presidents.
Voices in the Trump administration who advocate fewer U.S. military entanglements in the Middle East are in the ascendancy, Ross noted, while Trump is likely to put top priority on bringing billions of dollars’ of investments from wealthy Persian Gulf monarchies to the United States during his trip.
“What you’re seeing is that President Trump has an idea of what is in our interest, and that comes first,” Ross said. “He defines the nature of our interests abroad not through a geopolitical or security context, but an economic, financial and trade frame. I think President Trump might have the view that ‘We give them $4 billion a year in military assistance. I do plenty to support the Israelis.’”
In an interview that aired Thursday, the new U.S. ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, pushed back on the assertion that the administration was overlooking Israeli concerns and told an Israeli television channel that “the United States isn’t required to get permission from Israel” to reach a ceasefire with the Houthis. A day later, Huckabee took to his X account to denounce what he described as “reckless & irresponsible” media reports that suggested Trump and Netanyahu were “not getting along.”
In Israel today, the soaring anxieties mark a sharp reversal from November, when many celebrated Trump’s election. Netanyahu hailed it as “history’s greatest comeback.” Ministers in his far-right cabinet saw a green light for expansionism and immediately called for the annexation of the occupied West Bank, along with unfettered warfare and new Jewish settlements in Gaza.
But the mood began to shift even before Trump’s inauguration. Privately, some Netanyahu allies groused about Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East, Steve Witkoff, pressuring Netanyahu into a ceasefire agreement with Hamas and claimed that Witkoff was influenced by personal business ties with Qatar. Others began to fear that Trump’s preference for dealmaking would preclude a military strike on Iran or result in a nuclear accord that would allow Iran to keep some uranium enrichment capabilities.
In the Oval Office in April, Trump announced in front of Netanyahu and the assembled press that the U.S. would hold direct talks with Iran over its nuclear program. The Israeli prime minister, who has pushed U.S. leaders for more than a decade to use military force to dismantle Iran’s nuclear facilities, glanced away, appearing visibly surprised.
One Trump adviser, who described Trump’s treatment of Netanyahu as “one notch above” his fractious White House meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky three months ago, said influential MAGA voices have worked throughout the spring to resist efforts by pro-Israel lobbying groups and neoconservative Republicans to install Iran hawks and others seen as overly sympathetic to Netanyahu in key national security posts.
Former national security adviser Michael Waltz was removed from his position after he appeared to have engaged in intense coordination with Netanyahu about military options against Iran, which angered Trump, The Washington Post reported this month.
Michael Waltz, formerly White House national security adviser, reportedly engaged in discussions with Israel's prime minister about military options against Iran before being relieved of his duties. (Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post)
“In MAGA, we are not Bibi fans,” said the Trump adviser, using Netanyahu’s nickname. “Trump is adamant: He wants people to put the guns down.” The adviser, like several others cited in this article, spoke on the condition of anonymity to talk frankly about relations between the two leaders.
The rise of an Israel-skeptic wing in Washington, particularly within a Republican Party that is traditionally seen as close to Israel, poses a new challenge, Israeli officials and analysts say.
For decades, when American presidents, from Republican George H.W. Bush to Democrat Barack Obama, have clashed with Israel on matters ranging from West Bank settlement policy to strategy toward Iran, Israel has depended on its supporters in Congress to push back. And yet even after Netanyahu and some of Israel’s supporters threw their weight behind Trump, a number of Republican lawmakers allied with Trump, such as Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Georgia), are increasingly turning away from Israel, leaving it without recourse in Congress.
“There is more and more criticism, with people saying: We put all our eggs in one basket and now we are empty-handed,” said Amit Segal, a prominent Israeli political analyst. “What will Israel do now? Call [Rep.] Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez? It’s a problem.”
For their part, Netanyahu allies have downplayed any rift between the U.S. and Israeli leaders. One member of Netanyahu’s Likud party said the anxieties in Israel were simply due to mismatched expectations.
“Many people were so happy it wasn’t Kamala Harris that they thought Trump would be an American president from the Likud party who would do whatever Israel wanted,” said that ally. “But those expectations were never realistic, and I think the prime minister has always understood that.”
Another Israeli official praised Trump for providing heavy munitions to the Israeli military and said that while Biden administration officials had frequently pressured Israel to allow more humanitarian aid into Gaza, Trump made no such requests during the first few months of his term.
Still, even the perception of Netanyahu losing favor with Trump could dent a veteran Israeli premier who has staked his public image on being able to navigate — and influence — American politics better than any of his domestic rivals.
A photo from Sept. 8, 2019, shows a Likud party campaign billboard of President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Tel Aviv. (Oded Balilty/AP)
During hard-fought parliamentary elections in 2019, Netanyahu unfurled a massive billboard along Tel Aviv’s main highway showing him shaking hands with Trump above the tagline: “Netanyahu, in a different league.” A campaign video released by Likud showed Netanyahu pledging to move the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to historically contested Jerusalem — and then jump-cut to Trump announcing precisely that.
But a year later, Netanyahu angered Trump by announcing that he would annex parts of the occupied West Bank, contributing to the collapse of a Middle East peace plan that Trump had touted as the “deal of the century.” Netanyahu infuriated Trump further by congratulating Biden on his election victory while Trump was disputing the results, the president recounted in interviews with Axios in 2021.
In recent days, Netanyahu’s opponents seized on the moment to question his handling of U.S. relations. Yair Lapid, the centrist opposition leader, called the direct negotiations between the United States and Hamas over hostages a “disgraceful diplomatic failure” by Netanyahu and said “the responsibility for their return lies with the government.”
Yair Golan, the leader of a left-leaning party, said, “The Americans are moving forward on a deal with the Saudis, moving forward on a deal with Iran, moving forward on a new multibillion-dollar regional plan, but ignoring Netanyahu and Israel.”
Oren, the former Israeli ambassador, said many in Israel forget that Trump “is not a fan of settlements; he was against annexation of the West Bank and espoused a two-state plan” during his first term.
Some very influential pro-Israel voices are no longer in the White House, Oren added. “Let’s be realistic.”
Hazem Balousha in Toronto contributed to this report