Author Topic: The Politics of Education  (Read 34370 times)


Body-by-Guinness

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It Ain’t Discrimination if We Call it a “Commitment to Diversity”
« Reply #151 on: February 24, 2025, 08:22:39 AM »
How woke activists have the path smoothed for them as they advance n their academic careers:

John D. Sailer

How Universities Get Away With Hiring Radicals

Fellow-to-faculty programs have seeded academia with activists.

Feb 20 2025

In the days after the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, Jemma Decristo, a UC Davis professor, took to social media to express support for the violent energies that had erupted in the Middle East. “HELL YEAH,” Decristo wrote on X, responding to a report that protesters had set fire to the Israeli embassy in Jordan. Reposting news of protests at the United States embassy in Lebanon, Decristo added, “[fire icon] to the US embassy. US out of everywhere. US GO HOME. US GO HOME.”

One of her posts roused national attention: “One group of ppl we have easy access to in the US is all these zionist journalists who spread propaganda & misinformation,” Decristo wrote. “they have houses w addresses, kids in school. they can fear their bosses, but they should fear us more.” She concluded with a series of icons: a knife, an axe, and three blood drops.

Shortly afterward, the university launched an investigation into Decristo’s comments, and in April of 2024, the StandWithUs Center for Legal Justice filed a lawsuit against the university for its inaction on anti-Semitism, putting the professor’s threats atop a list of examples in a press release. As of this writing, UC Davis has not disciplined Decristo.

Following Decristo’s comments, UC Davis chancellor Gary May said in a statement that calls for violence were inconsistent with the university’s commitment to “equity and justice.” Ironically, Decristo’s employment at UC Davis came about precisely because of the University of California’s purported commitment to social justice. Decristo, once described by UC Davis as a “scholar-artist-activist,” was recruited through the President’s Postdoctoral Fellowship Program (PPFP), which fast-tracks scholars showing a “commitment to diversity” into permanent faculty roles.

A growing number of like-minded activists are following Decristo’s path. For years, universities, federal agencies, and private foundations have worked to create well-funded career pathways for scholar-activists in higher education. The network includes undergraduate fellowships, graduate school funding, special hiring initiatives, and even administrator development programs. This constellation of “pipeline programs” is intended to hire more minorities; in practice, it heavily favors academics who view their scholarship as an extension of their political agenda.

The programs also raise legal questions. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act prohibits discrimination in hiring. After President Trump’s executive order “ending illegal discrimination and restoring merit-based opportunity,” many universities will likely reassess their pipeline programs to avoid federal scrutiny.

The universities with the most influential programs, though, have framed them as race-neutral, selecting scholars based on their commitment to diversity, equity, and inclusion. So far, this has helped universities avoid legal scrutiny. But many scholars have argued that the commitment loophole has made university hiring more ideological—in a way that could still violate the First Amendment.

Over the next several weeks, I’ll be publishing stories on the pipeline model and what it means for the future of the American university. The series is based on thousands of pages of documents acquired through public records requests and interviews with more than a dozen scholars. It explores what is perhaps the most popular and effective kind of pipeline program, responsible for Decristo’s professorship at UC Davis: the fellow-to-faculty model.

Usually, a postdoctoral fellowship is just a small step in a scholar’s career. After a fellowship ends, former postdocs apply to competitive positions on the open market. The diversity-focused fellow-to-faculty model modifies this pathway. First, the programs’ administrators select fellows with special attention to how they contribute to diversity. Fellows are then heavily favored for—often guaranteed—tenure-track positions, bypassing a competitive search. It’s a side-door into the faculty lounge.

The UC system’s PPFP, which the university recently declared the “largest and most influential academic pipeline program of its kind in the nation,” serves as a blueprint. Launched in 1984, it’s the oldest such program. By now, some former fellows have held academic posts for decades, including Mark Lawson, the program’s director.

At its inception, PPFP awarded postdocs only to women and minorities. In 1996, when California voters banned affirmative action, identity-based criteria became unambiguously illegal, forcing the program to evolve.

Now, the UC system seeks demographic diversity by proxy. A grant proposal obtained by a public records request describes how PPFP assesses “a candidate’s demonstrated contributions to diversity and equal opportunity,” rather than using race or sex. This “innovative holistic selection process,” the proposal carefully points out, is “compliant with the current legal environment in California.”

PPFP also spearheaded the practice of “converting” its postdocs into tenure-track faculty positions. The system established a hiring incentive, promising UC campuses cash for hiring former fellows. It also offered a search waiver, so departments would not have to conduct a national search to make their hires.

Abigail Thompson, a professor of mathematics at UC Davis, was herself a President’s Postdoctoral Fellow at UC Berkeley in 1986. She is now critical of the program. In 2019, she published a short piece in Notices of the American Mathematical Society, arguing against the use of mandatory diversity statements in faculty hiring. “In reality it’s a political test, and it’s a political test with teeth,” Thompson wrote. The piece provoked controversy among academics.

When I spoke with Thompson, she pointed out how the program gives administrators an especially convenient tool for advancing their hiring priorities. “This is such a clever idea, really,” Thompson said. “No one pays close attention to how these postdocs are hired.”

Perhaps because it’s so effective, the fellow-to-faculty model exploded throughout American higher education in the early 2010s, as universities around the country began ratcheting up their DEI efforts. The University of Arizona President’s Postdoctoral Fellowship Program seeks applicants whose research “addresses issues such as race, gender, diversity and inclusion.” The University of Virginia’s Race, Place, and Equity Postdoctoral Fellowship hires postdocs who “address issues of race, justice, and equity.” In the UC system, each individual campus created its own parallel program to fund the hiring of additional PPFP applicants.

A network of universities also coordinate on the model: the Partnership for Faculty Diversity, created by the UC system and the University of Michigan. Members include Carnegie Mellon University, Georgia Tech, and the Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center.

Many universities outside the UC orbit have adopted the model as well. At the University of South Carolina, it’s called the Bridge-to-Faculty; at Ohio State, one such program is simply called Fellow-to-Faculty. A 2021 article in Frontiers in Psychology identified 38 diversity-focused postdoctoral “conversion” programs nationwide, though I found more in my investigation.

The upshot: a small but significant number of faculty across the country have been given side-door jobs based on ideological affinity. The University of Michigan’s Collegiate Fellowship Program, one of two fellowships at the university, has recruited 55 fellows since 2016. The University of Illinois Chicago has recruited 49 Bridge to Faculty Fellows since 2020. Over the last five years, one in 20 tenure-track hires in the UC System were former president’s or chancellor’s postdoctoral fellows.

The programs thus provide a steady stream of scholars committed to activist disciplines like “critical refugee studies” and “queer of color critique.” They raise serious questions about academic freedom, government funding and private philanthropy, and the feasibility of higher education reform. When the dust settles from the battle over DEI, reformers will still have to contend with the way that universities have reshaped their basic mission through the construction of a scholar-activist pipeline.

John D. Sailer is the director of higher education policy and a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute.

https://www.city-journal.org/article/universities-fellow-to-faculty-programs-activists


ccp

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Case for and against closing Dept. of Ed.
« Reply #153 on: March 06, 2025, 06:56:53 AM »
https://districtadministration.com/opinion/cases-for-and-against-dismantling-the-department-of-education/

When I did a google search on this everything that came up is from Left wing media with points made about protecting "vulnerable" children etc. 

I did not read all the propaganda but what I did read made no mention of the failure of the Dept of Ed. to educate children with grades going lower not higher.

One source pointed out it will take and act of the legislative branches to actually close it down.
a majority in the House which we have and "likely" 60 votes in the Senate which we do not have.

Take into account many Repubs will be reluctant to close this down and the likely outcome it won't happen.

I also found the 1.6 TRILLION $ loan debt unbelievable.  I am sure this has been reported often before but now I process in my brain in context.

« Last Edit: March 06, 2025, 06:59:01 AM by ccp »

ccp

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Weingartan on MSLSD
« Reply #154 on: March 10, 2025, 03:06:07 PM »
https://townhall.com/tipsheet/katiepavlich/2025/03/10/top-union-boss-has-an-epic-meltdown-n2653570

I could make it through more than half the video.
I did not hear a single peep how Department of Ed has failed to teach children from Weingarten who tries to tell us we remove the Dept of Ed and children will be totally ignorant and lost.

So why do we need Dept of Ed?  Still no answer from the likes of her.

I guess because LBJ taught Mexicans who went to school without shoes that makes any sense for dept of Ed today?

It must be hard having your power ripped out from under you like a rug. 

 :wink:

DougMacG

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Re: Case for and against closing Dept. of Ed.
« Reply #155 on: March 11, 2025, 10:37:30 AM »
I wonder if the Founders contemplated educating our children when they passed the 10th amendment, yes they did, Powers not granted to the federal government remain with the states and with the people.

Crafty_Dog

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Hillsdale: Arnn:
« Reply #156 on: March 15, 2025, 03:43:51 PM »



https://x.com/Hillsdale/status/1899644767866159525

“Education is one of the most bureaucratized things. To break this system is the first step toward real education reform.”

The Department of Education (
@usedgov
) has got to go,
@DrLarryArnn
 told
@DLoesch
 on
@DanaLoeschRadio
.

Body-by-Guinness

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Booting Totalitarians out of Higher Ed
« Reply #157 on: March 16, 2025, 12:29:21 PM »
Some straightforward ways to boot the Chinese, and other totalitarians, out of higher ed:

The DOGE Solution to Kicking the Chinese Communist Party Out of American Higher Education

Trump's DOGE proposes a 100% tax on foreign university funding and higher endowment taxes to curb foreign influence, cut the deficit, and hold elite schools accountable.

By Ian Oxnevad
March 16, 2025
Cost-cutting is now the rage of Trump 2.0 and the dread of bureaucrats inside the Beltway. While rooting out malign foreign influence in higher education is one of the quieter battles taking place within the broader effort to tackle the national debt, Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) offers an elegant and principled solution: taxpayers should not have to compete with totalitarians in university funding.

Far too often, American universities see themselves as cosmopolitan city-states positioned beyond the reach of constitutional law or American cultural norms. Unlike in a typical American workplace, anti-Semitism is tolerated on college campuses. In higher education, discrimination against competent Asian and White students is not considered racist, but is rather seen as a virtuous pursuit of “diversity, equity, and inclusion.” Topping it off, universities offer pricey degrees to students with little guarantee of job prospects and a crushing debt burden. For all of its talk of resisting Trumpian authoritarianism, America’s universities and colleges have eagerly accepted funds from countries like China, Russia, and Qatar while agitating for “Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions” against Israel.

American higher education offers U.S. adversaries a low-cost means of shaping public perception, steering popular sentiment, and accessing sensitive emerging technologies under the guise of “fundamental research.” In a report published last September, the House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party discovered that American academics were partnering with Chinese counterparts in sensitive areas of research funded by both the Department of Defense (DOD) and the Intelligence Community. The level of collaboration is staggering, as Congress noted over 8,800 publications coauthored between American and Chinese researchers on sensitive topics, and over 2,000 papers that published research funded by the DOD that were coauthored by Chinese researchers tied to Beijing’s defense industry. Last year, Georgia Tech University canceled its ties with China’s Tianjin University and the Shenzhen Municipal Government after it was discovered the partnership violated U.S. sanctions and that Georgia Tech was collaborating with China on semiconductor development related to hypersonic missile technology. China’s efforts in swaying higher education extend well beyond the sciences, as Beijing has used innocuous-sounding programs like Confucius Institutes to shape perception and direct soft-power influence abroad.

China and other authoritarians co-opt American universities through foreign funding that is not only pervasive but often goes unreported. Currently, Section 117 of the Higher Education Act mandates that universities report foreign funds to the government if they amount to more than $250,000. Congressional investigations have discovered that nearly 70% of universities not only fail to comply with Section 117, but that even universities that do comply under-report the amount of foreign gifts they receive. According to a database of foreign funds compiled by the National Association of Scholars, the top 20 donations in dollar amounts all come from China. Kean University alone reported a five-year Chinese contract worth $353,708,530. UCLA reported one Chinese contract spanning from 2018 to 2038 valued at $60,000,000. In both cases, the donors were listed as “unknown.” UC Berkeley alone failed to disclose $240 million from China in the form of contractual partnerships, investments, and gifts.

In a piece of legislation called the “Deterrent Act,” Congress is looking to lower the reporting threshold for such gifts to $0 for countries like China and Russia; however, this lower threshold does nothing to protect sovereignty in education or ensure that universities will comply. After all, universities do not comply as it is. What is needed is a watchdog that not only barks, but bites. With an aggressive Congress, Trump’s DOGE can solve academia’s vulnerabilities once and for all by taxing foreign funds at a rate of 100%, and by taxing endowment proceeds derived from Chinese funds. Universities are unique in that they have incentives to pursue money and prestige just as any normal business enterprise. Money from Beijing and Chinese firms offers colleges plenty of cash, while trips and research collaboration allow even remote U.S. colleges aspects of international prestige and openness where it would otherwise be lacking.

Unlike normal businesses, universities are exempt from the normal pressures of the real world. For example, an automaker that produces cars with low mileage per gallon and technology that prices out a consumer will lose market share and profits to its competitors. In contrast, a university can matriculate waves of graduates with debt and poor job skills for a decade and produce little quality research while retaining enrollment rates by virtue of an elite letterhead. Elite universities pay a low 1.4% on profits from endowments. Harvard’s endowment is estimated at a value of $52 billion, and is larger than Latvia’s economy. To tackle the U.S. national debt, valued at over $36 trillion, a DOGE-inspired bill proposed by Texas congressman Troy Nehls looks to raise taxes on university endowments to 21% to reduce annual deficits.

Combined, aggressively taxing endowments and foreign funds would change university incentives. Under 100% tax on foreign gifts, taxpayers would no longer be funding future casualties in a war with China. A tax on endowments to a level reminiscent of a “fair share,” would reduce the deficit and place elite universities on a level playing field with other investors. Currently, elite universities undermine national security and offer little in return for American citizens. A regulatory watchdog like DOGE that bites is an idea whose time has come.

https://amgreatness.com/2025/03/16/the-doge-solution-to-kicking-the-chinese-communist-party-out-of-american-higher-education/

ccp

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197 Chinese nationals students Kean University
« Reply #158 on: March 16, 2025, 10:03:46 PM »
https://www.collegefactual.com/colleges/kean-university/student-life/international/

I grew up literally down the street from Kean University .

It used to be farm land.  It has grown imensely when I drove by a few yrs. ago.
In the 60s there was a guy selling donuts on the corner out of a bus next to the big intersection at the end of the Kean parking lot.   Across the street were 2 homes dating back to the 1700s.  There were lifted and moves somewhere else.  All that was famous for those in the area.

Elizabeth dates back to 1664. Kean sits on the border and is in Union.
I took a summer class there in the very early 80s. 


Crafty_Dog

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Hillsdale educates Columbia
« Reply #160 on: March 22, 2025, 11:41:59 AM »

Crafty_Dog

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ccp

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