Author Topic: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation  (Read 878955 times)

Body-by-Guinness

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About That “Maryland Man….”
« Reply #2400 on: April 17, 2025, 08:04:34 AM »
Don’t know how it is in the rest of the country, but in the DC area the MSM and usual suspects have gone all in on this gent, a gent in the US illegally. The “progressive” hysterics don’t bother reporting on the federal judge hip deep in this effort has a conflict of interest in the form of a daughter employed by a “progressive” org to agitate re various causes, including illegal immigration, or said judge’s apparent Never Trump ethos. The MSM hasn’t bothered reporting much about the MS-13 affiliation, though there was a piece on local news this morning dismissing a police department record showing that the “MD man” in question had a protective order filed by his wife, one where she cited his gang affiliation as one of her concerns, though she now disavows that protective order, with the MSM around here focusing instead on casting the release of the protective order info as some sort of nefarious Trump stunt.

Given info like that below, it’s surprising they are embracing this cause with such ardor:

Biden’s FBI Ordered TN Highway Patrol to Release ‘Maryland Man’ Recently Deported to El Salvador After He Was Detained in 2022 Traffic Stop on Suspicion of Human Trafficking

April 16, 2025 Tom Pappert

Kilmar Abrego Garcia

The Tennessee Star learned on Wednesday that Kilmar Abrego Garcia, an alleged member of the Central American gang Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) who was deported to El Salvador under President Donald Trump amid legal action claiming the removal was by mistake, was suspected of being engaged in human trafficking by a Tennessee Highway Patrol (THP) officer who detained him in December 2022, leading the THP to contact the FBI for guidance. Within two hours, the FBI ultimately requested the THP release Garcia and the passengers in his vehicle. THP complied with the request.

The Star learned from sources familiar with the incident that Abrego Garcia was stopped for an unknown reason on December 6, 2022, and that the THP officer responsible for the stop immediately discovered Abrego Garcia was transporting seven passengers, with eight individuals inside the vehicle.

During a nearly two-hour traffic stop, the THP officer determined that Abrego Garcia (pictured above) was operating the vehicle without a valid driver’s license and began searching for information about him.

One source told The Star that THP ultimately discovered Abrego Garcia was on a terrorist watch list, but could not locate Abrego Garcia on a deportation list. Another source told The Star that THP did not discover Abrego Garcia on a terrorist watch list but that another one of the seven passengers in the vehicle may have been on a terrorist watch list.

THP subsequently called the FBI, which was then led by former Director Christopher Wray under the Biden administration. The FBI instructed the THP officers at the scene to capture photographs of all eight people in the vehicle and document its contents.

Once the photographs were captured, this source told The Star that the FBI requested THP release all eight individuals and that the THP officers complied with this request.

The Star learned that the circumstances of the stop made the THP officer responsible for the stop concerned that Abrego Garcia was engaged in human trafficking, but that Abrego Garcia and his passengers were nonetheless released at the request of the FBI.

Information about this incident, including the identity of the THP officer, the officer’s badge number, and the Computerized Dispatch Report code assigned to the incident, are all known to The Star, which is currently withholding this information.

Sources familiar with the Computerized Dispatch Report of the incident told The Star that the officer who filed the report confirmed that the seven individuals in the van were being transported from Texas to Maryland by Garcia.

Notably, it is a misdemeanor offense in the state of Tennessee to operate a motor vehicle without a valid driver’s license. Anyone convicted of this Class B misdemeanor faces up to six months in jail.

The officer who detained Garcia temporarily is well-respected within the Tennessee Highway Patrol, has served on a special interdiction team, and is based in a district located between Nashville and Knoxville, which includes Putnam County.

In response to Wednesday press inquiries from The Star, THP and the Tennessee Department of Safety and Homeland Security both confirmed receiving the communication, and that communications staff would send responses which did not arrive prior to press time.

A comment request by The Star to the FBI, seeking to confirm its instructions to THP, was not immediately answered.

The Star also contacted the Tennessee Bureau of Investigation (TBI), as the chief authority over human trafficking investigations in the state, to determine whether Abrego Garcia was released due to a TBI investigation, but did not receive an immediate response.

An inquiry to the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees federal human trafficking investigations, likewise went unanswered prior to press time.

Abrego Garcia is a Salvadoran citizen who illegally immigrated to the United States in 2012. Despite two judges determining he is likely to be a member of MS-13, Abrego Garcia and his family have denied this claim. In 2019, he was granted a “withholding of removal” order, which determined Abrego Garcia could not be deported to El Salvador over concerns related to his safety in his homeland, but that he could be removed to a third country.

He was deported to El Salvador under the Trump administration in March. Both U.S. District Court Judge Paula Xinis and the U.S. Supreme Court have ruled that the government must take steps to allow Abrego Garcia to return to the country. However, the high court recently halted an order by Xinis on the grounds that she sought to compel the Trump administration to engage in diplomacy with President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador.

Bukele, during a recent Oval Office meeting with President Donald Trump, stated that he had neither the authority nor the motivation to release Abrego Garcia, who is deemed a terrorist after the Trump administration added MS-13 to the federal government’s list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations.

“I don’t have the power to return him to the United States. How could I smuggle a terrorist into the United States? Of course, I’m not going to do it. The question is preposterous,” said Bukele in response to a question about Abrego Garcia.

Asked whether he would consider releasing Abrego Garcia within the borders of El Salvador, the head of state replied, “We’re not very fond of releasing terrorists into our country.”

– – –

Tom Pappert is the lead reporter for The Tennessee Star, and also reports for The Pennsylvania Daily Star and The Arizona Sun Times. Follow Tom on X/Twitter. Email tips to pappert.tom@proton.me.

https://tennesseestar.com/justice/bidens-fbi-ordered-tn-highway-patrol-to-release-maryland-man-recently-deported-to-el-salvador-after-he-was-detained-in-2022-traffic-stop-on-suspicion-of-human-trafficking/tpappert/2025/04/16/

Crafty_Dog

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2401 on: April 17, 2025, 08:24:58 AM »
As I mentioned elsewhere today Team Trump (AG Bondi, Stephen Miller) are asserting that the President Trump's declaration of MS 13 as a terrorist org, has the legal effect of vitiating the prior order against his deportation to ES.

Body-by-Guinness

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2402 on: April 17, 2025, 08:36:17 AM »
As I mentioned elsewhere today Team Trump (AG Bondi, Stephen Miller) are asserting that the President Trump's declaration of MS 13 as a terrorist org, has the legal effect of vitiating the prior order against his deportation to ES.

Boaberg (sp?) will no doubt attempt to do some chest thrumming nonetheless.

Body-by-Guinness

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More on MD Man
« Reply #2403 on: April 17, 2025, 10:58:17 AM »
Good to see that the "party of women" is doing such a lovely job of representing their interests:


Andy Ngo
@AndyNgo
April 16, 2025
Kilmar Abrego Garcia twice accused of domestic violence
Updated

Vanessa Vasquez, the Maryland wife of deported suspected gang terrorist Kilmar Abrego Garcia, either lied to the court when she petitioned for a domestic violence protective order against him, or she is lying now on the GoFundMe claiming he is an excellent father and spouse.

Over $194,000 has poured in as Garcia has become a hero to Democrats.

In 2020 and 2021, Vasquez requested and received emergency temporary protective orders against Garcia in Prince's County, Md. Her allegations that he is dangerous and violent are consistent with similar findings from prior U.S. immigration court rulings.

In the 2021 temporary protective order, the court wrote that it had reasonable grounds to believe that Garcia grabbed, punched, scratched and ripped off his partner's clothing in attacks on May 1 and May 4, 2021. Vasquez was allegedly injured with br uises.
Garcia was ordered to vacate from the family home, cease contact with Vasquez and stay away from both her and her mother's property. Additionally, custody of their sole child was transfered solely to Vasquez.

The couple has one child together, though Vasquez has misrepresented Garcia as the father of all three of her children.

A hearing for a final protective order was scheduled for June 17, 2021 but Vasquez did not appear and the case was later closed.

Garcia was deported to his native El Salvador on March 15 and is in prison there currently. Democrats and liberal media have demanded that the former illegal alien and accused MS-13 member be returned to the U.S.

The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Trump administration needed to "facilitate" the Salvadoran national's release.

https://ngo.locals.com/post/6851845/kilmar-abrego-garcia-twice-accused-of-domestic-violence

Body-by-Guinness

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I Know, Let’s All Die on this Illegal Immigrant Hill!
« Reply #2404 on: April 17, 2025, 02:07:08 PM »
3rd post. I am stunned that Dems are going all in on MD Man/criminal illegals. It seems an absurd hill to die on, and perhaps speaks to their desperation to find something, anything, to chuck under the wheels of the Trump train. I don’t see their effort succeeding, and suspect it’s rife with potential unintended consequences, particularly given the abject willingness to ignore SCOTUS as discussed by Julie Kelly here:

https://x.com/julie_kelly2/status/1912883782606008426

Body-by-Guinness

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SCOTUS to Hear Birthright Citizenship Case
« Reply #2405 on: April 17, 2025, 05:50:22 PM »
4th post I believe. Probably a bad idea to make book on this one, though I suspect “progressive” tears will ensue:

Supreme Court to Hear Arguments on Trump Plan to End Birthright Citizenship

The Trump administration had asked the justices to lift a nationwide pause on the policy as lower court challenges continue.

The Supreme Court affirmed the right to birthright citizenship in a landmark case in 1898.Credit...Haiyun Jiang for The New York Times

By Abbie VanSickle
Reporting from Washington
April 17, 2025
Updated 3:44 p.m. ET

The Supreme Court announced on Thursday that it would hear arguments in a few weeks over President Trump’s executive order ending birthright citizenship.

The brief order by the justices was unsigned and gave no reasoning, as is typical in such emergency cases. But the unusual move is a sign that the justices consider the matter significant enough that they would immediately hold oral argument on the government’s request to lift a nationwide pause on the policy.

The justices announced they would defer any consideration of the temporary block on the policy until they heard oral arguments, which they set for May 15.

That means that the executive order, which would end birthright citizenship for the children of undocumented immigrants and foreign residents, will remain paused in every state while the court considers the case.

The order was the latest response to a series of emergency applications brought by the Trump administration to challenge lower court blocks on a number of policies, including efforts to freeze more than a billion dollars in foreign aid and the deportation of Venezuelans to a prison in El Salvador without due process.

In three emergency applications, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to find that lower courts had erred in imposing bans on the birthright citizenship policy that extended beyond the parties involved in the litigation. It did not ask the court to weigh in on the constitutionality of that executive order, which was challenged soon after it was signed.

The court agreed to hear arguments on those applications, which focus on whether lower court judges went too far in imposing a nationwide pause on the policy.

On President Trump’s first day in office, he issued the executive order ending birthright citizenship, the guarantee that a person born in the United States is automatically a citizen, for certain children.

Birthright citizenship has long been considered a central tenet of the United States. The 14th Amendment, ratified after the Civil War, declares that “all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside.”

In 1898, the Supreme Court affirmed that right in a landmark case, United States v. Wong Kim Ark, guaranteeing automatic citizenship for nearly all children born in the country. Since then, courts have upheld that expansive interpretation.

Got a news tip about the courts? If you have information to share about the Supreme Court or other federal courts, please contact us.
See how to send a secure message at nytimes.com/tips

Some allies of Mr. Trump have argued that the 14th Amendment should never have been interpreted to give citizenship to everyone born in the country. Among them: John Eastman, a constitutional law scholar and former Supreme Court law clerk who was one of the architects of the scheme to create fake slates of pro-Trump electors in states that Joseph R. Biden Jr. won in the 2020 election.

A number of legal challenges followed Mr. Trump’s executive order, and federal courts in Massachusetts, Maryland and Washington State issued temporary injunctions that put the order on hold for the entire country while courts considered the challenges.

Those temporary blocks, called nationwide injunctions, have been hotly debated for years, and the Trump administration focused its request to the Supreme Court as a challenge to such orders.

In a brief to the justices, Solicitor General D. John Sauer argued that nationwide injunctions were a relatively recent phenomenon that had a “dramatic upsurge” during the first Trump administration “followed by an explosion in the last three months.” Mr. Sauer argued that those blocks on policies exceeded lower courts’ authority and “gravely encroach on the president’s executive power” under the Constitution.
“This court’s intervention is urgently needed to restore the constitutional balance of separated powers,” Mr. Sauer wrote.
Lawyers for those challenging the executive order urged the justices to reject the government’s argument.

In a brief filed on behalf of Washington State, Arizona and Oregon, lawyers called the focus on nationwide injunctions a “myopic request” that “fails this court’s rules for granting a stay.”

“Being directed to follow the law as it has been universally understood for over 125 years is not an emergency warranting the extraordinary remedy of a stay,” the brief from the group of states said.

Abbie VanSickle covers the United States Supreme Court for The Times. She is a lawyer and has an extensive background in investigative reporting.

https://archive.ph/xh8eA

DougMacG

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Weaponized immigration; deportation, Sen. Chris Van Hollen
« Reply #2406 on: April 18, 2025, 06:41:19 AM »
https://townhall.com/tipsheet/mattvespa/2025/04/18/chris-van-hollens-latest-el-salvador-photo-inadvertently-captured-the-state-of-the-dems-n2655737

'I hope to someday find someone who looks at me with the love that Democrats feel toward violent gang member, wife beater, human trafficker Abrego Garcia.' And I didn't do any of those things.
« Last Edit: April 18, 2025, 06:43:54 AM by DougMacG »

ccp

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2407 on: April 18, 2025, 06:48:25 AM »
I am trying to figure out the image

there are two

this one only has water and coffee cups:

https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/immigration/chris-van-hollen-meets-kilmar-abrego-garcia-el-salvador-rcna201830

I assume the one with what does look like alcohol beverages must have been after the drinks were delivered to the table  :

https://x.com/nayibbukele/status/1913028548001923259/photo/3

We do see Van Hollen's seems full while Garcia's fluid level is lower suggesting he had some.   ordered to keep the restaurant happy?  or .....?  to party while travelling on our dime.
« Last Edit: April 18, 2025, 06:52:08 AM by ccp »

DougMacG

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2408 on: April 18, 2025, 07:10:48 AM »
I also didn't understand a specific point to the pictures. Just that this is their new buddy, their new idol, their new George Floyd. As the comments suggest, he doesn't look persecuted or mistreated as he gets served in a nice restaurant. The check was paid by whom?

I searched the world wide web and can't find a picture of Chris Van Hollen eaching across the aisle breaking bread with President Trump, though I do see his friend Nancy Pelosi tearing up a state of the union speech.

Democrats hate our country is an opponent narrative they keep falling into. The ones I know do not hate our country but these are their leaders.

ccp

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2409 on: April 18, 2025, 07:21:29 AM »
From article in previous post from Doug above:

"Biden embarked on a secret mission to Harvard University on Wednesday evening for a private meeting with 50 students.

It was an invite-only event, but pro-Palestinian protesters showed up and shouted, “Biden, Biden, you can’t hide. You’re committing genocide!”

Not surprising we hear very little on Cody Balmer who tried to kill Shapiro and his family by burning his house down.  He was a pro Palestinian advocate. Surely this played into his wanting to kill the Jewish governor who is pro Israel.

I think it was mentioned by CNN for a only a minute ,   but without  faux outrage played up by the MSM like they do with their endless George Floyd plays like Garcia. 

DougMacG

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2410 on: April 18, 2025, 08:19:00 AM »
"pro-Palestinian protesters showed up and shouted, “Biden, Biden, you can’t hide. You’re committing genocide!” "

   - A side note out of this. Netanyahu believed that Biden was tying his hands, unsupportive of Israel. Pro Palestinians think Biden committed genocide. Biden is no longer relevant but the divide in the Democratic party is. The vocal, energetic part of the Democratic Party, including Harvard University for example, is pro palestinian, not pro-israel. They will not accept Shapiro for example, and his wing is believed to be the only electrical wing of the party.

That's a conundrum.




Crafty_Dog

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Abrego's tattoos
« Reply #2412 on: April 18, 2025, 11:26:21 AM »


ccp

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Trump held up image of Garcia's tatoo
« Reply #2414 on: April 19, 2025, 11:26:06 AM »
And added MS 13 on the image though he did not clarify that was added

https://www.mediaite.com/trump/trump-touts-seemingly-doctored-photo-of-abrego-garcias-hand-in-attempt-to-prove-maryland-man-is-gang-member/

just adding to the endless confusion giving libs opportunities

I do not know what to think  or conclude anymore

Endless back and forth and who to believe.

Crafty_Dog

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2415 on: April 19, 2025, 11:45:59 AM »
Not the first time he has been careless with forwarding dubious memes.   Remember the Haitians eating cats and dogs in Ohio thing?

DougMacG

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75% of deportations under the Obama administration were nonjudicial removals
« Reply #2416 on: April 21, 2025, 12:04:18 AM »
https://x.com/DefiyantlyFree/status/1913820296882360344

75% of deportations under the Obama administration (2009–2017) were nonjudicial removals

Do you remember this controversy? Me neither.
« Last Edit: April 21, 2025, 12:09:00 AM by DougMacG »

DougMacG

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Chris Matthews on illegal immigration, 2006
« Reply #2417 on: April 21, 2025, 04:40:38 AM »
https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna12095410
"A country without borders is not a country.  If you don‘t have a border—I‘ve never heard of a country in the world that doesn‘t have a border.  That‘s what defines a country.  If you don‘t enforce it, you‘re a joke."
  - Chris matthews, NBC news, 2006

And now you're Hitler if you send them back. What happened?!
« Last Edit: April 21, 2025, 04:48:26 AM by Crafty_Dog »

ccp

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2418 on: April 21, 2025, 06:50:00 AM »
"75% of deportations under the Obama administration (2009–2017) were nonjudicial removals

Do you remember this controversy? Me neither.
"

I distinctly recall the ALSU and SPLC were all over this with close linkups to the MSM reporting this in the headlines.

 :roll: :wink:

Body-by-Guinness

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NM Judge Quietly Retires After Tren de Aragua Houseguest Arrested
« Reply #2419 on: April 21, 2025, 08:14:55 AM »
Given all the hand wringing over "MD man," you'd think the press might be predisposed to latch on to the tale below, but alas it doesn't conform to the preferred MSM narrative:

It wasn’t easy tracking down this eye-popping story, which combined all the elements of the immigration debate— yet corporate media still ignored it. The Albuquerque Journal ran the astonishing article last week below the bland, uninformative headline, “Doña Ana County judge resigns after feds arrest man at home.” It was an all-American story about a small-town judge, a quiet, well-kept house, a nice, peaceful neighborhood— but while the judge’s wife was in the kitchen cooking dinner, a designated terrorist was out back polishing a suppressed AR-15.

image.png
On March 3rd, Las Cruces Magistrate Judge Jose Cano (D) quietly resigned from the bench after three re-elections since 2011. On the same day, prosecutors were down the street in federal district court arguing that a recent arrestee, a Venezuelan national named Christhian Lopez-Ortega, 23, was a Tren de Aragua gang member and a flight risk.

The two men’s connection defies belief.

Christhian was first caught crossing the border at Eagle Pass in December, 2023, but was freed three days later— due to overcrowding. This year, three days before Judge Cano tendered his letter of resignation, the El Paso Homeland Security Office, responding to an anonymous tip, raided the judge’s Las Cruces home and found the gang member living in the judge’s guest cottage, or what the locals call a casita.

Homeland Security officers nabbed Lopez-Ortega with a bunch of guns (a felony), and the family closed ranks, claiming the guns were owned by the Judge’s daughter, April. The government’s April 8th motion for reconsideration drily reported, “The Defendant admitted that he knew it was illegal for him to possess firearms.”

According to federal filings, Judge Cano’s liberal wife Nancy came upon the young man working construction and hired him to replace a glass door and do a couple odd jobs around the house. After Lopez-Ortega was evicted from his apartment, Nancy invited him to live with the family, and began driving him to his immigration appointments and his construction gigs.

No good reason for inviting a 23-year-old gang member into the family appears in any of the reports, leaving ample space for sordid speculation. Generously, the affluent middle-aged mom may have thought she just was helping “reform” the career gangster.

image 2.png
Investigators discovered some clues in Lopez-Ortega’s text messages. He called Nancy his “patrona,” which I believe is Venezuelan for “sugar momma.” One unidentified amigo asked Lopez-Ortega to get him “two grenades.” Another texted him a grisly murder scene photo showing decapitated victims with their hands cut off, a gruesome photo attached in full to Homeland’s motion, but which I will not reproduce here in close-up.

image 4.png
Troublingly, the local federal Magistrate judge overruled Lopez-Ortega’s bond, rebuffing federal prosecutors and saying something like, “I’m sure he’s okay if he’s living with Judge Cano.” The federal judge even tried to remit the gang member back into Nancy Cano’s custody.

That prompted the government’s attorneys to file an emergency motion for reconsideration, which has not yet been set for hearing.

🔥 This story involves two judges. The first, a sitting state judge embroiled in what appears at minimum to be a non-traditional relationship with a member of a designated terrorist organization, an illegal, gang-tattooed alien the Cano family shared everything with including their firearms, and a second local federal judge who in open court said he would release the man because he was friends with the first judge.

If this story came from Venezuela, it would surprise no one. But it’s from New Mexico.

This troubling tale has created a certain amount of buzz in local and social media, percolating just below corporate media’s veneered surface. If we had a functioning media, which we obviously do not, they would tell us how historically, the corruption of local judiciary is one of the first and most critical steps that cartel-style organizations take when consolidating soft territorial control.

image 3.png
Cartels are cagey, sly, and experienced. They don’t roll into a new area in hummers holding assault rifles. They quietly assimilate and get a read on the local judicial and law enforcement arena. Then they deploy a carrot and stick approach. They offer sweet bribes, called “plata” (silver), sometimes cloaked as gifts or brokered with third parties. And, for judges who don’t take bribes, they offer quiet threats, called “plomo” (lead): you don’t want to deny bail on a TdA hermano.

Plata or plomo. Silver or lead.

The cartels realize that the judicial bench is the choke point. There are only a handful of judges in each locale, so controlling even one through plato or plomo makes a measurable difference. Control the judiciary, and you effectively control law enforcement. It’s not just a cartel thing, it’s an organized crime tactic. You can find similar examples in the 1980’s mafia and the 1930’s Chicago mobsters.

The cartels are just the tactic’s most recent incarnation.

🔥 In other words, this suppressed story is narrative dynamite. It is a much more threatening example than that MS-13 moron down in CECOT. Here, we have a U.S. judge literally living under the same roof with a violent, illegal alien gang member (if requests for grenades and snuff photos of gang killings aren’t enough evidence of violent inclination, then I don’t know what to tell you). And we see a second judge in a completely different courthouse running cover for the first judge.

But here, the media could care less about Christhian Lopez-Garcia’s deportation battle.

Here’s a link to the government’s motion for reconsideration, but note that some of the final attachments are graphic.

Thus, we begin to see the abolition of the judiciary. And over the weekend, the Supreme Court made things much, much, worse. Or more interesting, depending how you look at it.

https://www.coffeeandcovid.com/p/habeas-corpses-monday-april-21-2025

Body-by-Guinness

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MS 13 MD Man's Saga, Explained
« Reply #2420 on: April 22, 2025, 02:37:51 PM »
A lawyer does a linear walkthrough of the facts surrounding "MD Man's" deportation. Suffice to say the left's histrioics don't survive this scrutiny, but then when do they ever?

https://shipwreckedcrew.substack.com/p/dancing-on-the-head-of-a-pin-for?r=1qo1e&utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=email&triedRedirect=true

Crafty_Dog

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2421 on: April 22, 2025, 03:53:20 PM »
Looks to be very good, but the site is not letting me do the freebie thing and see the whole article.

Body-by-Guinness

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2422 on: April 23, 2025, 04:32:46 AM »
Looks to be very good, but the site is not letting me do the freebie thing and see the whole article.

Whups, forgot I’m a subscriber:

Dancing On The Head Of A Pin For An MS-13 Member -- The Problem Is Small And The Solution Is Simple
The vexing issue is the insistence by an Article III Judge that she can dictate to the Article II Executive how to correct the problem under threat of judicial sanction.
SHIPWRECKEDCREW
APR 22, 2025
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Let me begin with one observation — the Opinion issued on April 6, 2025, by District of Maryland District Judge Xinis is an over-the-top diatribe that parrots every claim made by the advocates for Hilmar Abrego Garcia as if they were truths etched in stone tablets. She recites the allegations set forth in the Complaint as if they have been litigated and resolved, ignoring the fact that there is much in the Complaint that is contrary to the VERY LIMITED EVIDENCE that was before her.

She held a hearing on April 4, 2025, and at the conclusion of the hearing she granted the plaintiffs’ motion for injunctive relief. The Opinion explaining her decision was published two days later.

But the hearing took place one day after District Judge Boasberg in D.C., 39 miles away, held a very contentious hearing in the matter involving the invocation of the Alien Enemies Act and removal of a large number of members of the Tren de Aragua (TdA) criminal gang based in Venezuela, seemingly in violation of his prior injunction. During the TdA hearing, Judge Boasberg’s comments certainly suggested he thought the Administration has intentionally violated his order — later determined to have been made without jurisdiction — that everyone being removed pursuant to the proclamation needed to be returned to the United States.

Judge Xinis is presiding over a case where the Administration admitted that Abrego Garcia was placed on one of those planes — not under the AEA proclamation but because he was an illegal alien with a final Order of Removal — due to an “administrative error.” In 2019 an Immigration Judge had granted Abrego Garcia “Withholding of Removal” that prevented him from being deported back to his home country, El Salvador. Judge Xinis had ORDERED the Administration to “facilitate and effectuate” the return of Abrego Garcia to the United States —whatever that means — setting the deadline for Monday, April 7, at 11:59 pm.

Both Tren de Aragua and MS-13 — the gang affiliation of Abrego Garcia, which is not in serious doubt as set forth herein — have been declared “terrorist organizations” by the Trump Administration pursuant to a federal statute giving it the authority to do so, whether district judges like it or not.

There is nothing about the process leading to Hilmar Abrego Garcia’s return to El Salvador that is hard to understand. One error was made – but the nature of that error is such that events that predated his deportation back to El Salvador have made it harmless. Below is the entire saga in story-book form – details coming from various police and court records — followed by an explanation of the very simple solution along with the political reason why this simple solution is turning out to be so difficult to put in place.

Abrego Garcia, along with three others, were detained by Maryland local police on March 28, 2019. One detective immediately recognized one of the four as an MS-13 member — “Bimbo” — known to him from previous contacts. That individual had been encountered multiple times by the “Prince Georges County Gang Unit MS-13 Intelligence Squad.” The MS-13 problem is so bad they have an entire Gang Unit with its own Intelligence Squad dedicated to identifying and investigating MS-13 members. “Bimbo” has an extensive criminal record with multiple convictions.

A second individual – not confirmed as an MS-13 member – had tattoos indicative of Hispanic gang membership. Eyes, ears, and mouths covered by skulls which are meant to emphasize “see no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil” and communicate the need to stay silent. A past proven and reliable source of information identified this second person as an MS-13 member with the gang name of “Maniaco.” This individual also had a calf tattoo known to represent high level MS-13 members.

Abrego Garcia was wearing a Chicago Bulls hat – images of a bull’s head with horns is indicative of an MS-13 member in good standing. The same source of information identified Abrego Garcia as an MS-13 member with the gang name “Chele”

Of interest, however, is that the fourth individual was not known to the police or the source of information as an MS-13 member. If, as has been suggested, this source of information was not reliable and had fabricated the information about Abrego Garcia being a member of MS-13, why did he not fabricate information about the 4th individual who, according to the report, was released at the scene.

All of those details come from the Maryland local police who encountered the four men.

Abergo Garcia freely admitted to being a Salvadoran citizen in the United States illegally, and he was turned over to the custody by ICE -- there is an ICE Form I-213 dated March 28, 2019, completed the same evening by two ICE agents. On March 29 he was given a Notice to Appear at a Removal Hearing, and was detained in custody by DHS pending that hearing. The I-213 states it was the Prince Georges County Police Gang Unit who first encountered the four when they were “detained in connection with a murder investigation.” This wasn’t a random police contact – it was the Gang Unit contacting known gang members. It doesn’t say they were suspects in a murder, only that they were detained in connection with an investigation. The I-213 says in multiple locations that Abrego Garcia is an MS-13 member – based on the information given to ICE by the local police Gang Unit dedicated to MS-13.

Abrego Garcia was denied bond after a hearing on April 24, 2019. In the written Memorandum dated May 22, 2019, documenting the denial of the motion, the Immigration Judge stated:

“[T]he determination that the Respondent is a gang member appears to be trustworthy and is supported by other evidence in the record, namely, information contained in the Gang Field Interview Sheet…. [T]he fact that a “past, proven, and reliable source of information” verified [Abrego Garcia’s] gang membership, rank, and gang name is sufficient to support that the Respondent is a gang member….”

The “determination” was made by the Maryland police and adopted by ICE. These are not casual decisions made by the flip of a coin. Accurately identifying gang affiliations is a paramount concern when it comes to arrest/detention/ incarceration. Having members of rival and hostile gangs housed together is an invitation to widespread violence. So accurately determining gang affiliation is the reason why police have gang unit “Intelligence Squads.” To dismiss this determination — as Judge Xinis does in almost comical fashion in her April 6 Opinion for this poor “Maryland Man” — only exposes ignorance as to how and why these determinations are made.

The Board of Immigration Appeals, in a written decision December 19, 2019, adopted and affirmed the Immigration Judge’s decision denying bond to Abrego Garcia on the basis of his status as an MS-13 member.

“[Abrego-Garcia] argues that the Immigration Judge clearly erred in determining that is a verified member of MS-13 because there is no reliable evidence in the record to support such a finding…. We adopt and affirm the Immigration Judge’s danger ruling…. [T]he immigration judge appropriately considered allegations of gang affiliation against the respondent in determining that he has not demonstrated that he is not a danger to property or persons.”

“Gang affiliation” is not a “crime.” So the claim that Abrego Garcia has never been charged with a crime where his gang affiliation was “proven” in court is meaningless. I suspect the Immigration Judge who made the initial FACTUAL FINDING, and the Board of Appeals panel who affirmed that “FACTUAL FINDING” have reviewed far more MS-13 determinations made in this fashion than has Judge Xinis from the district court bench.

Between his arrest and the denial of his bond appeal, Abrego Garcia filed an application for relief from the Order of Removal under three separate provisions of immigration law. First, he asked for asylum, which would have allowed him to lawfully remain in the United States if granted. Second, he asked for protection under the Convention Against Torture (CAT), a U.N. convention that is limited to fear with regard to the government of the country where the alien would otherwise be removed. The Immigration Judge who conducted the hearing denied both his asylum claim and his CAT claim.

But he made a third claim asking for “Withholding of Removal” which prevents deportation back to the alien’s home country if the alien can show a “well-founded fear of persecution” based on religion, ethnicity, etc. One of the classifications recognized in the statute is fear of persecution based on membership in a “particular social group.”

With several months to rehearse the story, Abrego Garcia testified to an almost comical claim that his family’s business – making and selling pupusas from the kitchen of their house (“everyone in town knew to get their pupusa from Pupuseria Cecelia”) – was extorted by a El Salvadoran gang, Barrio 18. The family was given the choice to either pay the extortion on the pupusa sales or the gang would take their son(s) and force them to join the gang. Initially the demand was for Abrego-Garcia’s older brother to join so the family arranged for the older brother to leave for the U.S. Agrego Garcia claimed the family moved from one neighborhood in the capitol San Salvador to another neighborhood 10 minutes away by car. But the gang tracked them down and continued to demand payment or it would force Abrego Garcia — then about 16 — to join. The family moved again, this time 15 minutes farther away by car – but Barrio 18 would just not be denied. They would either have their pupuseria money or Abrego Garcia would join their gang. In response, the family sent him to the U.S. as well.

If you don’t know, pupusas are a stuffed handheld pancake-like street food that are the national dish of El Salvador. Street venders are ubiquitous in Salvadoran towns. The idea that one family’s kitchen would be “the place” to get pupusas is just idiotic beyond belief. It would be like saying “Everyone on Staten Island knew to get their cheesesteak sandwiches at Betty Smith’s house.”

Abrego Garcia told the Immigration Judge in 2019 that he feared being attacked and/or killed by Barrio 18 if he were to be returned to El Salvador – seven years after he left. The judge accepted the story and granted him “Withholding of Removal” – WOR – preventing him from being deported to El Salvador. He could be sent anywhere else, just not back to his home country.

Whether the judge believed the story or not, granting WOR is a backdoor way to get around the one-year limit on applying for asylum – and everyone in the business knows that. That is why ridiculous stories like the one told by Abrego Garcia are invented. Entering an order that a Salvadoran national can’t be sent back to El Salvador creates a significant complication in deporting him at all because a third country needs to agree to take him — a member of MS-13 as determined by the U.S. government.

On the same day he was granted WOR, it appears that he was released from detention. There doesn’t seem to be any document that explains the rationale for releasing Abrego Garcia given that his status as an MS-13 member was used to detain him in the first instance, and that that decision was later affirmed by the Board of Immigration Appeals.

But, informed speculation based on events and the statutes for holding him in custody suggests that a rather simple explanation is likely. Under the statutes governing detention pending deportation, there is a 90 day period within which an alien is to be removed after a final Order of Removal is granted.

Title 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1231(a)(1)(A) states that an alien subject to an Order of Removal shall be removed within 90 days, and shall remain detained during that period.

That period may be extended an additional 90 days if the alien fails to make a “timely application in good faith for travel” or otherwise acts in ways to prevent his removal. He shall remain in custody during that second 90 day period.

There are some provisions in this statute for keeping certain specific classes of individuals in detention until removal is arranged. But, outside those narrow classes the statute provides for release from detention when removal within the statutory period — 6 months total — cannot be accomplished.

When Abrego Garcia was granted WOR to El Salvador, he had been in custody for almost 6 months after his Order of Removal was final. The timing of his release in relationship to that 6 month period, is the best explanation for his release from detention. In Zadvydas v. Davis the Supreme Court held in 2001 that when the date of removal is not “reasonably foreseeable”, continued detention of an alien subject to removal was unconstitutional. So, for Abrego Garcia, indefinite detention while trying to arrange for his removal to a country other than El Salvador, was not an option. After Joe Biden took office, the Biden DOJ had no interest in deporting anyone. That explains why Abrego Garcia was able to “build a life as a Maryland Dad” while being an illegal alien subject to removal for the past 4 years.

There is one more important fact to consider in terms of the WOR with regard to Abrego Garcia, as well as the determination that he is a member of MS-13. In the Complaint filed by his attorneys in the District of Maryland, there is the following allegations in Paragraph 53, at p. 11-12:

The evening after his arrest, [Abrego Garcia’s wife] received a call from Plaintiff Abrego Garcia…. During that conversation, Plaintiff Abrego Garcia informed [his wife] that he was being questioned about gang affiliations. He repeatedly informed his interviewers that he was never a gang member and had no gang affiliations. He was shown several photos where he appeared in public, and asked about other people in those photos, but was unable to provide any information on them, as he did not know them or anything about them.”

So on March 14, 2025, ICE already possessed photographs of him with other individuals in public places and asked him for information about the people he was with while showing him the photographs?

Who thinks those pictures were taken at gatherings of ex-pat Salvadorans to discuss the happenings back in the home country while celebrating their shared cultural heritage?

Most readers here with experience in law enforcement will recognize this as being 100% consistent with innumerable accounts of criminal investigations where law enforcement is trying to gather additional intelligence on individuals of interest. When interviewing a documented MS-13 member who is an illegal alien from El Salvador, who are the subjects most likely to be in the photographs with Abrego Garcia that ICE would in interested in?

Based on experience, what is the most likely response to be given by an MS-13 member when shown photographs of himself with other MS-13 members, and asked for information about the others in the photos — “I don’t know anything about those people”??

Exactly.

The idea that Abrego Garcia’s A-File — all illegal aliens who go through removal have an A-File — only had the 2019 reports as evidence of his MS-13 membership is laughable. The top enforcement priority for ICE staring January 21 was removal of Tren de Aragua and MS-13 members who had come into the country illegally. Every ICE Office would have prioritized their targets based on their own files. They didn’t just pick Abrego Garcia’s name out of a hat. The fact that Prince Georges County has an MS-13 Gang Unit is highly suggestive of the fact that Prince Georges County has an MS-13 gang problem.

Now lets turn to the issue of how to correct the problem of sending Abrego Garcia to the one country on the planet he could not be sent to with the WOR in place.

A different subsection of the same statute cited above — 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1231 — sets for the standard for granting that WOR status that was given to Abrego Garcia. But the process for revisiting a prior granting of WOR status is set forth in the regulations that have been adopted by DOJ for proceedings in Immigration Courts. These are found in Title 8 of the Code of Federal Regulations.

Withholding of Removal is not necessarily a permanent protected status. A change in circumstances in the country for which Withholding was granted is a basis to reopen the matter. If the reasons for fearing retribution if returned to a particular country cease to exist, the WOR for that country can be removed by way of a motion to reopen. As noted above, fear of retribution by the Barrio 18 gang was the reason for withholding removal to El Salvador in 2019. If the Trump Administration establishes that Barrio 18 is no longer the threat it was in 2019 — and it is not — the WOR status could be revoked in a proper hearing conducted for that purpose.

But, more signficantly for Abrego Garcia, the statute granting him WOR has a significant exception that now applies to him. Pursuant to 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1231(b)(3)(B)(iv) — WOR is not available to an illegal alien when:

there are reasonable grounds to believe that the alien is a danger to the security of the United States.

The designation of MS-13 as a “terrorist organization” provides the basis for removing Abrego Garcia’s WOR protection — IF he is an MS-13 member. The standard — established by a statute passed by Congress and signed by a prior President — is “reasonable grounds to believe.” It is not “beyond a reasonable doubt” or “preponderance of the evidence.” It is much closer to what is recognized in other contexts as “probable cause” which also turns on a “reasonableness” standard and not a weighing of evidence.

This is underpinned by a basic judicial principle that is not being given enough consideration by those yammering back and forth over this subject — illegal aliens with no right to remain in the United States are not entitled to the same
”due process” rights as citizens EXCEPT in circumstances where they are charged with a crime and the government is seeking to imprison them as punishment for that crime.

Finally, how would this motion to reopen be made to happen? It is a hearing and it must happen before an Immigration Judge who would make the decision.

But NOTHING I have found leads to the conclusion that the hearing requires Abrego Garcia’s in-person appearance in the United States. Under 18 U.S.C. Sec. 1229a(b)(2), immigration hearings may be conducted via video or teleconference.

One exception requiring consent by the alien to a video or teleconference is when the hearing is for the purpose of considering evidence. But, given the proceedings that have already taken place with Abrego Garcia present in Maryland, both grounds for removing his WOR status can be asserted without his in-person appearance back in the United States.

First, as to his membership in MS-13, regardless of the various legalistic claims that the findings during his two bail hearings are not sufficient, such claims are nonsense because the doctrine of “collateral estoppel” applies. It is a legal doctrine that prevents a party from relitigating an issue that was resolved in a previous lawsuit or administrative proceeding, even if the issue relates to a different claim in the new matter. The requirements are only that the issue was part of the final determination in the earlier proceeding, and the issue was raised and decided with both parties having had a chance to present evidence and argument on the issue.

Whether Abrego Garcia was an MS-13 member was squarely before the Immigration Judge and the Bureau of Immigration Appeals. The government presented the evidence of his affiliation and Abrego Garcia denied being a member and offered evidence to the contrary. The fact that Abrego Garcia had the burden of proof in that setting is irrelevant to the question of whether the matter was squarely before the judge, Abrego Garcia contested the issue, and the issue was decided. The decision does not say he was denied bail because he failed to carry his burden of proof that he was not a danger to the community — it says the evidence of his membership in MS-13 established he was a danger to the community:

After considering the information provided by both parties, the Court concluded that no bond was appropriate in this matter. The Court first reasoned that the Respondent failed to meet his burden of demonstrating that his release from custody would not pose a danger to others, as the evidence shows that he is a verified member of MS-13.”

Since “collateral estoppel” is a legal issue and does not require any new evidentiary determination, a hearing to assert his membership in MS-13 as a basis for removal of his WOR status can be conducted by video/teleconference.

But, even if the application of collateral estoppel is disputed, ICE regulations provide that an Immigration Judge may conduct a hearing by video or teleconference to consider or review “credible fear determinations” without the consent of the alien. 8 C.F.R. Sec. 1003.25(c).

Telephonic or video hearings. An Immigration Judge may conduct hearings through video conference to the same extent as he or she may conduct hearings in person. An Immigration Judge may also conduct a hearing through a telephone conference, but an evidentiary hearing on the merits may only be conducted through a telephone conference with the consent of the alien involved … except that credible fear determinations may be reviewed by the Immigration Judge through a telephone conference without the consent of the alien.

If the changed circumstances in El Salvador with respect to Barrio 18 are such that there is no longer a basis for finding a “credible fear of persecution” at the hands of that gang, that issue can be heard and resolved by an Immigration Judge through a telephone conference without Abrego-Garcia’s consent to proceed in that fashion.

So there is a simple solution to fixing the WOR problem that does not require Abrego Garcia being returned to the United States. These proceedings are through the Immigration Court that is part of the Executive Branch, and over which the Article III district courts have been divested of jurisdiction by the Congress. Judge Xinis has no authority to interfere in this process if DOJ chooses to revisit the WOR benefit in this fashion. Abrego Garcia would have a right to appeal the outcome to the Board of Immigration Appeals and then to the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Both could be done on his behalf without his presence in the United States.

The only remaining hurdle is a political one — the Administration seems unwilling to proceed in a manner that could be construed as acknowledging the validity of the Order from Judge Xinis. It seems intent on continuing to contest the legal validity of the order itself, as well as the sufficiency of the the language of the Order following the Supreme Court’s earlier intervention directing her to provide more clear guidance — which she thereafter declined to offer.

I predicted last week when this issue turned volatile that the Administration would fix the error involving Abrego Garcia, but it would not do so in response to a judicial order that it act in any specific manner in correcting the error. This is an Executive error, subject to correction through administrative processes in the Executive branch, and involving a subject matter that is within the exclusive authority of the Executive. It is going to resolve it in that manner without conceding that the Article III district court has any role to play.

Crafty_Dog

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FO: ICE tracking illegals use of money apps
« Reply #2423 on: April 23, 2025, 09:26:50 AM »


(5) ACLU: ICE USING MONEY APPS TO TARGET ILLEGALS: The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) said the Trump administration is using information from money transfer apps to obtain personal information on illegal aliens, which the ACLU said is an illegal violation of privacy and human rights.

The ACLU said ICE is also using Arizona-based Transaction Records Analysis Center (TRAC) data to track illegal immigrants’ money transfers between Mexico and southwest states, and to access illegal immigrants’ location information.

Why It Matters: This is likely a prelude to the Trump administration attempting to ramp up deportations. So far, deportation operations have been slow-going due to lack of federal resources, and state and local efforts to block cooperation with ICE. The Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) was also given access to Internal Revenue Service and Executive Office for Immigration Review Court and Appeals System data, which the Trump administration is likely to leverage in immigration enforcement operations. - R.C.


DougMacG

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weaponized immigration; deportation, Abrego Garcia
« Reply #2425 on: April 25, 2025, 06:43:04 AM »
He's not a human trafficker. He just drives vehicles full of victims for the human traffickers.

https://dailycaller.com/2025/04/23/abrego-garcia-drove-human-smuggler-car/
« Last Edit: April 25, 2025, 06:49:31 AM by DougMacG »

ccp

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Judge arrested
« Reply #2426 on: April 25, 2025, 09:15:38 AM »
https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/fbi-arrests-milwaukee-judge-alleging-interfered-immigration-operation-rcna203006

Our side - THE TRUTH - no one is above the law

Their side - that card gets put back under the rug -  and instead "THIS IS A CONSTITUTONAL CRISES" card gets yanked out and blasted over the MSM.

Can Scotus weigh in for God's sakes - though I don't trust Roberts or Barett .  Why can't immigration law be enforced like we all want .  Pissed off in NJ

But Kash is doing what we had hoped .   Most Americans stand behind him for sure.

Body-by-Guinness

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More on Arrested Judge
« Reply #2427 on: April 25, 2025, 02:57:50 PM »
Some less breathless reporting re the arrested judge. My guess is this has sundry folks in black robes wondering if they are in line for similar treatment:

https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/justice/3391443/fbi-arrests-milwaukee-judge-hannah-dugan-obstructing-ice-operations/



Crafty_Dog

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Crafty_Dog

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OUTSTANDING! The Due Processes of Deportation
« Reply #2433 on: April 27, 2025, 03:41:21 PM »
From FB:

Jay Hubbard
 
Regarding Trump’s many “due process” controversies, part of the reason there’s confusion is that differing legal pathways exist from which to achieve deportation, all of which have different standards, and some of which aren’t subject to due process whatsoever. I believe people are mixing the legal standards up or are unaware of them. I also believe the legacy media is demonstrating double standards in pretending these presidential powers aren’t (for the most part) lawful.

Take, for instance, the IIRIRA.

In 1996, congress specifically authorized the executive branch to conduct non-judicial deportations NOT SUBJECT TO DUE PROCESS. [a] While one might argue against this on ethical grounds, one cannot argue that the president lacks the authority. The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) was passed by Bill Clinton [a], enforced by George W. Bush, and expanded by Barack Obama, with support from both political parties.

Per congressional records:

“The expedited removal process, created by the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, is codified in INA § 235(b)(1). The statute permits the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to summarily remove aliens arriving at a designated U.S. port of entry (arriving aliens) WITHOUT FURTHER HEARING OR REVIEW if they are inadmissible either because they (1) lack valid entry documents, or (2) tried to procure their admission into the United States through fraud or misrepresentation. INA § 235(b)(1) also authorizes—but does not require—DHS to extend application of expedited removal to "certain other aliens" inadmissible on the same grounds if they (1) were not admitted or paroled into the United States by immigration authorities and (2) cannot establish at least two years' continuous physical presence in the United States at the time of apprehension.” [a]

To be clear, this wasn’t always the case. As the ACLU wrote back in the Obama administration:

“The deportation system has dramatically changed over the past 19 years – moving from a judicial system prior to 1996, where the vast majority of people facing deportation had immigration court hearings, to a system today of nonjudicial removals, where 75 percent of people removed do not see a judge before being expelled from the U.S. The numbers are staggering: in 1995, 1,400 immigrants were subject to nonjudicial removals, representing 3 percent of total deportations. By FY 2012 that number had sharply increased to 313,000 nonjudicial removals.” So to reiterate, all the way back in 2014, the ACLU specifically cited that 75% of Obama’s deportees had NO DUE PROCESS.

I’m outlining these complaints from the ACLU not necessarily to agree with them nor to disagree with them, but to demonstrate that this presidential power was well established prior to Trump. Unless you were deeply involved in following the ACLU’s advocacy, you likely weren’t aware anyone took issue with it. This - yet again - exposes the legacy media’s double standards. They were silent regarding Obama’s use of non-judicial removals, going so far as to let him classify his administration as “scandal free”[c], yet when Trump’s in office, non-judicial removals become a scandal.

Per the American Immigration Council:

“Individuals placed in expedited removal generally have no right to challenge their deportation in federal court, thanks to jurisdiction-stripping provisions in the 1996 law which created the process. …Individuals may only bring a lawsuit challenging their expedited removal order if they are a lawful permanent resident, or someone already determined to be a refugee or granted asylum, who has been wrongfully subject to expedited removal. In 2020, the Supreme Court upheld this law, finding that it did not violate the right to habeas corpus or due process. Expedited removal has become a bedrock of the United States’ processing of noncitizens, particularly at our southern border.” [d]

The law also made deportation eligibility retroactive and introduced penalties for overstaying visas, including bars on reentry for certain periods. It also made it more difficult for undocumented immigrants to adjust their status, even if they had family members who were US citizens. [e] I’m again pointing this out not to argue for or against it, but merely to demonstrate that these expanded authorities existed prior to Trump. This is not a power grab. His office was granted this authority by democratically elected legislators.

Up until now, I’ve been discussing the 1996 law which allowed expedited removal under Section 235 of the INA. That pivoted away from the usual removal proceedings which were governed under Section 240 of the INA. It’s Section 240 (the usual process) where suspected illegal aliens are afforded a hearing (due process) in front of an immigration judge. [f] If someone doesn’t qualify for expedited removal, only THEN are they entitled to that formal hearing.

That was the case until Trump named some groups “terrorist organizations” while invoking the Alien Enemies Act, however.
When Trump entered office the 2nd time, he designated several globally powerful gangs as terrorist organizations. These massive organized crime networks had been competing with governments around the world for control, often by forcing businesses to pay them “taxes”. They were guilty of human trafficking, drug trafficking, murder, rape, extortion, and racketeering. This is worth pointing out since the Anti-Terrorist and Effective Death Penalty Act,” also passed in 1996, criminalized the act of providing material support or resources to terrorist organizations [g] and has been argued by the New York Law Review to have encroached on due process. Again, as is the theme of this editorial, I’m not noting this to agree or disagree, only to demonstrate that the power existed before Trump. It was a 1996 law, and formally designating someone as a terrorist means they legally have different entitlements.

As for the Alien Enemies Act? Here, too, exists an authority granted to the presidency by congress in 1798. “It allows the president to detain or deport the natives and citizens of an enemy nation. The law permits the president to target these immigrants WITHOUT A HEARING and based only on their country of birth or citizenship. Although the law was enacted to prevent foreign espionage and sabotage in wartime, it can be — and has been — wielded against immigrants.” [h]

CONCLUSION:

Whether violating the concept of due process concerns you or not, these ARE legal pathways toward deportation. Each case is different, where some were deported under the expedited removal standard, others deported under Section 240, and others deported under the Alien Enemies Act, but these legal pathways were all created by Congress. I won’t deny that the efficacy and morality of all laws are worth debating, but that’s different from legality. Also, why wasn’t there a national debate on these laws while Biden, Obama, Bush, or Clinton were president? Why now? That they are becoming scandalous NOW despite being barely noticed in prior administrations is a testament to the legacy media’s political bias. It's argued that a rogue President is engaging in an unlawful power grab, but that’s simply false. These laws existed prior to Trump. These laws were enforced prior to Trump. These powers were democratically granted to the executive branch by Congress. If you don’t like them, fine, petition Congress to change the law, but don’t falsely claim the President is acting unlawfully.

—————————————————————————
Sources:
[a]
https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IF11357....

https://www.aclu.org/.../speed-over-fairness-deportation...
[c]
https://www.cnn.com/.../obama-trump-white.../index.html
[d]
https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/.../expedited....
[e]
https://www.vox.com/.../11515132/iirira-clinton-immigration
[f]
https://americafirstpolicy.com/.../a-primer-on...
[g]
https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi...
[h]
https://www.brennancenter.org/.../alien-enemies-act...
« Last Edit: April 27, 2025, 03:50:29 PM by Crafty_Dog »

Body-by-Guinness

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“Progressive” Obstruction of Justice
« Reply #2434 on: April 28, 2025, 08:01:21 PM »
I’ve spent a lot of time in in this area of Wisco. For every avocado toast nibbling, pronoun mapping, “progressive” quiche eater there are a couple of factory working, pickup truck owning guys and gals whose favorite fall greeting is “git yer deer yet?” In short, this charge won’t be a slam dunk for this judge.

BTW, what is it with Dems and the embrace of domestic abusers? They give up on that whole “party of women” thing?

The Judge, The Alien, and the Marxist- Progressive Obstruction Mindset – So Long As It Is Donald Trump They Are Obstructing.
The facts seem pretty bad and this Milwaukee County judge should not expect a "home game" from jurors in the Eastern District of Wisconsin.

SHIPWRECKEDCREW

APR 28, 2025

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Just about every J6 defendant recognizes this scene — a ride in the back of a federal agent’s vehicle while handcuffed behind your back. Followed by an appearance before a federal magistrate in handcuffs and leg-irons. Only to then be told that they were released without bond, only having to comply with terms and conditions of pretrial release imposed by federal judges in just about every case.

But the actual facts of what Milwaukee County Circuit Court Judge Hannah Dugan did that led to her arrest on federal obstruction charges are more outrageous than most realize from simply reading news reports.

Let’s begin by identifying the pieces on the chessboard, and then cover their movements over a 30 minute period back on April 18, 2025.

Members of the Wisconsin judiciary are elected to their positions in non-partisan races — no party affiliation is listed on the ballots. Dugan first ran in 2016 against an incumbent, defeating him 65%-38%. The judge she defeated had been appointed one year earlier — after a vacancy developed — by Republican Governor Scott Walker. Anyone appointed by a GOP Gov. was going to be in for rough sledding in a Milwaukee County election. She ran for re-election unopposed in 2022, receiving 98.4% of the vote.

The illegal alien who ICE was going to arrest that morning was Eduard Flores-Ruiz. He was accompanied that morning by his attorney. He was appearing for a preliminary hearing after having been arrested and charged in state court with battery, domestic abuse, and infliction of physical pain or injury. The victims in his case were present in the courtroom to testify against him. Ruiz- Flores is a Mexican citizen who was first deported in January 2013, and there is no record of him receiving permission to re-enter the country after being removed.

The Trump Administration’s emphasis on fulfilling the campaign promise to remove criminal illegal aliens in the country made Flores-Ruiz a target under that new enforcement priority. The policy of pursuing the arrest and deportation of illegal aliens charged with criminal conduct had been communicated by ICE to Milwaukee County Courthouse officials, emphasizing that the policy did not target witnesses or victims in criminal cases, or any matters in family or civil cases. There had been at least two prior arrests by ICE in or outside the same courthouse.

The arrest team consisted of six federal agents – an ICE Agent, a Customs and Border Protection Agent, two FBI Agents and two DEA Agents.

Three Judges involved themselves at some point – Judge Dugan, the Judge in the courtroom next to her, and the Chief Judge who was not in the building but spoke to the ICE Agent on the telephone at the insistence of Judge Dugan.

The ICE Agent and CBP Agent arrived at approximately 8:00 and contacted courthouse security to explain the planned arrest operation for that morning. A Sergeant from the Milwaukee County Sheriff’s Office spoke with the ACE Agent by telephone and discussed the details of the planned arrest. The only request made was that the arrest take place in a public area, and that it take place after the conclusion of the preliminary hearing. The ICE Agent agreed.

The FBI and DEA Agents had already taken up positions at both ends of the public hallway outside the courtroom where Flores-Ruiz was scheduled to appear. The Agents did enter the courtroom to advise the Courtroom Deputy for Judge Dugan of their identity and their purpose for being there. They agreed they would remain outside the courtroom and the arrest would take place after the hearing was over. They then exited the courtroom and took up their locations in the hallway.

When interviewed the Courtroom Deputy confirmed this account and stated that after a prior arrest by ICE inside the courthouse, a Shift Supervisor asked to be called in the future if ICE arrests were planned. The Courtroom Deputy followed that directive and called the Shift Supervisor.

While they were in the hallway, a woman later identified as being an attorney with the Public Defender’s Office, came into the hallway and took photos of 3 of the 4 agents with her phone. One of the DEA Agents was not photographed.

The Courtroom Deputy was interviewed by the FBI. He stated that when Flores-Ruiz entered the courtroom, Dugan was already on the bench and handling another matter. The Deputy observed the Public Defender who had photographed the Agents in the hallway approach the Court Clerk. The Deputy heard the Attorney tell the Clerk there were ICE Agents in the hall outside the courtroom. The Deputy said the Clerk then stood up and turned to speak with Dugan.

The Deputy said Dugan became visibly angry and he heard her use the word “absurd.” She then left the bench and went into her chambers. Flores-Ruiz was still sitting the gallery with his attorney when this happened.

The prosecutor in the courtroom handling cases that morning heard someone say “ICE is here” and as Dugan was leaving the bench he heard her say she was going to call the Chief Judge.

While still wearing her robe and accompanied by another Judge whose courtroom was next to hers, Dugan approached the Agents in the hallway outside her courtroom. Multiple witnesses described her demeanor as angry and confrontational. She asked the ICE Agent if he was there for an “court appearance,” and when he said “No” she told him he needed to “leave the courthouse.” He then told her he was there to make an arrest, and she asked to see a warrant. He showed her the Administrative Warrant – all that was needed in an immigration case which is civil and not criminal – and she told him that he needed a Judicial Warrant. She then demanded that the Agent speak with the Chief Judge. All the members of the arrest team – except the one DEA Agent who had not been recognized – accompanied both Judges in the direction of the Chief Judge’s chambers.

The Courtroom Deputy had gone into the hallway for an unrelated purpose and he saw the group walking in the direction of the Chief Judge’s chambers. But rather than continue with the group Dugan turned and went through a locked door. The Deputy said the door led to a non-public hallway that could take Dugan back to her courtroom. The unidentified DEA Agent saw Dugan come back into the public hallway outside her courtroom where she seemed to be looking for other ICE Agents who might still be present.

The Chief Judge was not in the building, but the ICE Agent was able to speak with him by telephone. The Judge explained he was working on a policy for how ICE arrests could be conducted in the Courthouse, but it had not yet been finalized.

The remaining members of the arrest team were waiting outside the Chief Judge’s chambers when they were approached by Dugan’s Courtroom Deputy. He advised them that Dugan was back on the bench and seemed to be pushing Flores-Ruiz’s case through while they were occupied in a different location in the courthouse. When the Deputy had returned to the courtroom after seeing the group heading to the Chief Judge’s chambers, Dugan soon came back on the bench. Flores-Ruiz’s attorney was speaking with the Court Clerk while Flores-Ruiz was sitting by himself in the jury box, a place the Deputy had never seen a defendant be allowed to sit.

The Deputy thought the Clerk and Flores-Ruiz’s attorney were picking a new date, even though the prosecutor was not in the discussion. After just a few moments, the attorney turned around and headed towards the door. Flores-Ruiz started to join her only to have Dugan say to them “Wait, come with me.” Dugan then accompanied both as they left the courtroom through a door used by jury members. This took Flores-Ruiz and his attorney into a non-public hallway where he could go to the opposite end of the building to a second set of elevators – presumably not being watched by law enforcement. The Deputy stated that he had never before seen a defendant seated in the jury box, and only authorized staff and jurors were supposed to exit the courtroom through the jury door.

The prosecutor corroborated the Deputy’s story. When Dugan returned to the courtroom she told Flores-Ruiz’s attorney to come forward from the gallery with her client. He also heard Dugan command Flores-Ruiz and his attorney to follow her, and the three exited the courtroom through the jury door. When Dugan returned the remaining matters on the calendar were dealt with. It wasn’t until all the other cases were resolved that he realized the Flores-Ruis matter was never called. Not having met Flores-Ruiz before, the prosecutor did not realize it was Flores-Ruiz who Dugan had escorted from the courtroom. Nothing was said to the prosecutor about the preliminary hearing being postponed. The victim-witnesses remained in the courtroom the entire morning waiting to testify. The Victim Witness Specialist who was in the courtroom the entire time corroborated the events as described by the Deputy and the prosecutor.

Although Flores-Ruiz and his attorney had gone to different elevators from the ones they had used to go to the courtroom, one of the DEA Agents spotted them in a public hallway and was able to get in the same elevator car. The five other Agents began to make their way in that direction. Flores-Ruiz and his attorney went to the ground floor and quickly exited the building, followed by the DEA Agent. Once outside, two of the other Agents approached Flores-Ruiz and identified themselves. Flores-Ruiz then ran but was caught after a short chase.

Dugan is charged only by way of a criminal complaint – the case has not yet been presented to a federal grand jury. The two crimes identified in he complaint are violations of 18 U.S.C. Sec. 1071 (“Concealing Person from Arrest”) and 1505 (“Obstruction of Proceedings Before Departments, Agencies and Committees”). Both are felonies punishable by up to 5 years in prison. But under the sentencing guideline any sentences imposed will be substantially shorter.

Because immigration proceedings are “civil” in nature and not criminal investigations, most of the federal statutes governing “Obstruction of Justice” do not apply. Dugan’s conduct did not interfere with witnesses or evidence, so even to the extent some statutes might extend to civil proceedings in that respect, the facts here likely don’t support any such charge.

One Immigration Act criminal statute would seem to apply on the facts as described – 8 U.S.C. Sec. 1324(a)(1)(A)(iii), which reads:

“Any person who … knowing or in reckless disregard of the fact that an alien has come to, entered, or remains in the United States in violation of law, conceals, harbors, or shields from detection, or attempts to conceal, harbor, or shield from detection, such alien in any place, including any building or any means of transportation.”

The argument over the application of this section will turn on the definition of “conceals, harbors, or shields from detection.” She did help him evade arrest, but he had been “detected” by law enforcement who knew he was in the building. It is arguable that by taking him to a non-public area of the building she did “conceal, harbor, or shield” him from detection by giving him a way out of the building that law enforcement might not have been aware of.

That immigration statute carries the same five year penalty as the two Title 18 statutes charged in the Complaint.

Yes, any trial will be held in Milwaukee County. But federal trials and the composition of the jury pool is different in federal court than in state court. The Eastern District of Wisconsin covers has two federal courthouses — one in Milwaukee and one in Green Bay. The Milwaukee Division includes not just Milwaukee County but also Dodge, Fond du Lac, Green Lake, Kenosha, Marquette, Ozaukee, Racine, Sheboygan, Walworth, Washington, and Waukesha counties.

In the Milwaukee courthouse there are 4 full-time federal district judges — a Reagan appointee, a Clinton appointee, an Obama appointee, and a Trump appointee. Both the Reagan appointee and the Clinton appointee are in their 80s.

Milwaukee County is by far the biggest, and it is a Democrat Party stronghold in the state. But here are the Trump vote totals in the other counties in the Milwaukee Division of the Eastern District of Wisconsin:

Dodge — 66%

Foud du Lac — 64%

Green Lake — 67.5%

Kenosha — 52%

Marquette — 64%

Ozaukee — 54%

Racine — 52%

Sheboygan — 57%

Walworth — 60%

Washington — 67%

Waukesha — 59%

President Trump carried every other county that is in the Milwaukee Division — with 6 of the 10 being by greater than 60%.

This will be no home-game for Dugan with the composition of the jury pool for her federal court trial as might be true if the jurors were drawn only from Milwaukee County.

While Wisconsin judges are elected in non-partisan races, Dugan’s employment history before becoming a judge reveals her politics with little doubt. She was an attorney for Legal Action of Wisconsin, Inc., and the Legal Aid Society. She had also worked for Catholic Charities of Southeastern Wisconsin, Inc., and had been President of the Milwaukee Bar Association for one year.

Her reaction to the presence of ICE and other federal officers outside her courtroom, and her actions after learning of their presence, speak louder than any past comments she may have made revealing her politics.

https://shipwreckedcrew.substack.com/p/the-judge-the-alien-and-the-marxist?r=1qo1e&utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=email&triedRedirect=true

DougMacG

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Re: “Progressive” Obstruction of Justice
« Reply #2435 on: April 28, 2025, 08:54:09 PM »
Thank you. That is a very detailed account of it.

“git yer deer yet?”
BBG speaks the language.  )


Crafty_Dog

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Michael Brewer on the power of immigration officers
« Reply #2437 on: May 01, 2025, 01:15:49 PM »


Michael Brewer
2h  ·
It's Time for Another Break-down of Law and Common Sense.  I'm sure plenty of people will chime in here, but if you happen to be a lawyer or legit Constitutional scholar, I'd love to hear from you in particular.

Certain activist judges in this country should read and follow the laws of the country when issuing their decrees.

This goes all the way back to Harry Truman, people.  The Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) — originally passed in 1952:

SPECIFICALLY stipulates that immigration officers have the authority to “arrest any alien in the United States, if he has reason to believe that the alien so arrested is in the United States in violation of any such law or regulation and is likely to escape before a warrant can be obtained for his arrest.”
(8 U.S.C. § 1357(a)(2))

“interrogate any alien or person believed to be an alien as to his right to be or to remain in the United States”
(8 U.S.C. § 1357(a)(1))

This law explicitly permits immigration authorities (like ICE or Border Patrol) to arrest and detain aliens without a judicial warrant, provided certain criteria are met — such as probable cause and risk of flight.  This is distinct from criminal law enforcement, where arrests typically require judicial warrants issued by a neutral magistrate. In immigration law, administrative warrants (issued by immigration officers, not judges) are sufficient for civil immigration enforcement actions like detention and removal.

And while we're at it, I'd also like to take this moment to look back at the year 1802.  President Thomas Jefferson, upon taking office, looked to eliminate what he and his Democratic-Republican Party saw as illegitimate judges.  these judges had been installed by the outgoing Adams administration and Jefferson saw it as a manipulative power grab by the Federalists to control his administration through the use of the Judiciary.  So, acting on the authorities granted the Congress by the Constitution, he simply passed the Repeal Act of 1802 which got rid of the Judiciary Act of 1801 and shitcanned the so-called Midnight Judges altogether.  This action was challenged, of course, by those interested in controlling he Executive Branch through the appointment of activist judges to the Courts, but ultimately upheld in Stuart v. Laird (1803), where the Supreme Court affirmed that Congress has the power to create and eliminate lower courts.

Crafty_Dog

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Stanford Law: Deportation Arrest Warrants
« Reply #2438 on: May 01, 2025, 01:18:13 PM »
second

Have not read this yet but it looks serious.

https://review.law.stanford.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2021/02/Nash-73-Stan.-L.-Rev.-433.pdf?fbclid=IwY2xjawKAtdNleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETFER2Q2Z3VVcUx1amZtV2NQAR4C_MA3f8UqneD--tKq3ZDW0fmMuzUFxH0Fd7LHr0UGvlz2mgBl-XwkIRjjjg_aem_FNFz2ERF_UMrsLywZD_6Vg

"And in that sense the warrants that DHS uses differ significantly: They are issued by DHS enforcement officers
with no probable cause review by a judge or a neutral arbiter of any kind.8 Although the federal government’s use of administrative arrest warrants in connection with removal proceedings is not new, the current scale of its use,
impact of its use, and way it leverages them are new."

And, jumping over 100 pages to get to the conclusion:

"Conclusion

"The law-enforcement-issued arrest warrants that play such an important
role in the current immigration-enforcement regime do not just sound
anomalous to the modern ear. The account above shows that they were
anomalous in important and widely used removal laws in the Framing era.
Ultimately, this Article provides further support for the chorus of voices
arguing that a neutral magistrate is necessary and required to check federal
officers who use their arrest authority to bring individuals—citizens or not—
 into the adversarial, carceral, and increasingly politicized removal process."
« Last Edit: May 01, 2025, 01:23:56 PM by Crafty_Dog »

Crafty_Dog

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2439 on: May 01, 2025, 01:40:09 PM »
Third:

Michael Brewer

Eric Benjaminson I have a genuine concern about the manner in which these illegal aliens arrived here, with many being actively facilitated by the previous administration in what bears all the indicators of a concerted effort to break immigration law. I am beyond dubious about the claims that the previous administration was acting in good faith to secure the border. Both US law and the actions which have since effectively closed the border prove beyond any reasonable doubt that the Biden Administration was either dishonest or incompetent in their "attempts" to secure the border.

Given this, I think there exist what I'd call "exigent circumstances." I do not accept that all persons in the US are afforded Constitutional protections. By way of example, unlawful enemy combatants, members of hostile foreign organizations, and invaders are specifically denied these rights under both the AUMF in 2001 and the Military Commissions Act. Those are frameworks with which I am intimately familiar in that they governed nearly every action I took against al-Qaeda terrorists and their affiliates from 2001 - 2013. I imagine from the legal point of view, members of any designated foreign terrorist organization illegally inside the United States would fall under these same rules. I would like to see this challenged and a determination made by the Supreme Court, but as it stands now, I don't see that members of MS-13 or any other designated terrorist group would hold different status or standing than members of Al-Qaeda.

I'd also challenge your assertion that Abrego-Garcia was judged to be a member of MS-13 simply by virtue of an Executive assessment without any sort of due diligence. The evidence that was weighed in that determination went well beyond his tattoos. Reliable confidential human sources were also consulted, and they verified his membership. The attire he had on in the presence of other known and active MS-13 members is extremely telling (anyone who doesn't believe this, please by all means dress in an Angels jersey, hang a red bandana out of your left pocket, and slap a temp tattoo across your forearm that reads "Rollin' 20s" and take a walk through the neighborhoods south of Slauson in Los Angeles. Nobody will need any more due diligence than what you have on to decide you're someone they should shoot.) Attire is not an insignificant indicator. On top of that, and perhaps most damning, his wife discussed his gang affiliation in not one but two of the protective order applications she filed against him. The tattoos were indicators that confirmed a lot of information that all pointed to the same suggestion, and by any reasonable analysis, the conclusion that he had that gang affiliation is reasonable. That doesn't mean he should have been returned to El Salvador - but I do think it's a false assertion that his identification was assessed without basis.

All of this brings me to two questions: One - what is the tolerance for mistakes in trying to remedy the mass facilitation of illegal immigrants into the country and the selective non-enforcement of our laws throughout that process? Two - where were all of these activist judges while that was taking place? Where were they during the mass influx of illegals, and where were they during the mass deportations of previous administrations?

Ok, fine - three questions. The final one is - given where we are, what do you think a reasonable solution looks like?

Crafty_Dog

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Re: Immigration; weaponized immigration; deportation
« Reply #2440 on: May 01, 2025, 02:49:53 PM »
Fourth and Fifth:
======================

Marc Denny

Michael Brewer I remember a phrase from law school about "the exception that swallows the whole" and using "unrestricted warfare" to meet the language of the Enemy Alien Act certainly has that theoretical potential.

But on the whole I am with you when you say:

"All of this brings me to two questions: One - what is the tolerance for mistakes in trying to remedy the mass facilitation of illegal immigrants into the country and the selective non-enforcement of our laws throughout that process? Two - where were all of these activist judges while that was taking place? Where were they during the mass influx of illegals , , ,?"

Which brings me to the law review article shared by Eric Benjaminson which fairly notes the long established precedent regarding administrative warrants even as it concludes with

"Conclusion
"The law-enforcement-issued arrest warrants that play such an important role in the current immigration-enforcement regime do not just sound anomalous to the modern ear. The account above shows that they were anomalous in important and widely used removal laws in the Framing era. Ultimately, this Article provides further support for the chorus of voices arguing that a neutral magistrate is necessary and required to check federal officers who use their arrest authority to bring individuals—citizens or not— into the adversarial, carceral, and increasingly politicized removal process."

IMHO this translates as:

"So much for our paeans to Stare Decisis! We favor throwing up as many legalistic roadblocks as possible to keep the illegal aliens we broke the law bringing in so we can make them citizens and by so doing establish permanent one party dominance."

((PS: A subtlety in Consitutional Law that eludes most people, is the challenge to the Separation of Powers presented by the agencies Adminimistrative State AND THAT THE STANDARDS OF DUE PROCESS ARE DIFFERENT IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE CONTEXT-- WITNESS THE ADMINISTRATIVE WARRANTS DISCUSSED IN THE STANDFORD LAW REVIEW ARTICLE. An agency can write rules (legislative) prosecute (excutive) and render judgment (judicial) Complex issues are presented by this-- and the Administrative Procedure Act is the effort to put up guard rails to guide through the murky conceptual waters involved.))



=====================
Michael Brewer
Eric Benjaminson and Marc Denny -

Not to pile on before anyone has a chance to answer here, but in looking at this stuff for the past month or so, what I'm able to ascertain as the key difference between what past administrations have done with almost no due process at all and what Trump is doing now comes down to an argument over legal frameworks vs. existing norms. For example, the general public doesn't understand the difference between "returns" and "removals." All are generally lumped into "deportations," and so the legal nuances of each are missed. Clinton, Bush, and Obama extensively used legal frameworks like Expedited Removal (allows deportation without a judge for aliens caught within 100 miles of a border and within 2 weeks of entry). Voluntary Returns allow for deportation by the alien's own waiver. This sends them home, but does not bar them from legal re-entry. These folks do not have any sort of court appearance or formal orders of deportation. Reinstatement of Prior Removal allows DHS to remove them again without a hearing. Stipulated Removal, which was used extensively by President Obama, says that if a migrant in detention signs a waiver of their right to a hearing, they can be summarily deported. This was used to clear court backlogs and was not seen in any way as problematic. And finally, Administrative Removal for Aggravated Felons can and has been used by all recent administrations to deport criminals without any sort of hearing at all on DHS's own removal orders.
That's an awful lot of "framework" available, and every recent administration has used each of those tactics extensively and without interference from the courts. President Trump, in acting to correct an absolutely unprecedented influx of illegal immigrants to the US, many of whom were actively facilitated into the country by the Biden Administration, is acting outside accepted "norms." This is different from acting outside legal frameworks, with a few exceptions. Trump has sought to expand the "within 100 miles of a border" to "nationwide," especially in light of internal governors' actions to transport illegal aliens away from their entry points to so-called sanctuary cities. Again, this is a reaction, not a primary act. The previous administration refused to aid border states in combating the surge in illegal immigration, and in many cases actively opposed and inhibited them from acting on their own behalf. Trump's actions contrary to previous "norms" reflect, to my mind, a reaction to the previous administration's own actions which were contradictory to US law and enforcement norms.

I believe it is a fair assessment to say that President Trump's rhetoric and the rabid opposition to anything he does by Democrats and Democrat voters has made all of this much harder than it needed to be. I think it is a reasoned argument to suggest that in the face of unprecedented and overwhelming problems, we should expect our leaders to use all available tools at their disposal, even if they're old (Alien Enemies Act) to address the issue.

Failure to do so would inevitably lead to the same sorts of outcry from Americans, except the refrain would be "You didn't do everything within your power to fix this." If the emergency is real and growing, and if prior policy failures exacerbated it, then extraordinary—but legal—measures are not just justified; they are essential.

Crafty_Dog

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FO: Trump hints at suspending habeas corpus
« Reply #2441 on: May 01, 2025, 02:52:52 PM »
sixth

(1) TRUMP HINTS AT HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENSION FOR DEPORTATIONS: President Donald Trump said “there is one way that has been used very successfully by three presidents” to mitigate federal courts blocking executive authority, in response to a question during yesterday’s cabinet meeting.

Trump added that he hoped the administration “will not have to go that route.”

Why It Matters: Trump is hinting that he is considering suspending Habeas Corpus for deportation cases. Habeas Corpus has been suspended multiple times in U.S. history, most recently by George W. Bush in parallel with the Military Commission Act to allow military tribunals for Guantanamo Bay detainees. However, Trump is unlikely to get the cooperation of Congress to pass a bill authorizing a partial suspension of Habeas Corpus for illegal aliens. Trump moving to unilaterally suspend Habeas Corpus for illegal aliens could be a trigger for an escalation by the Trump Resistance. - R.C.

Crafty_Dog

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Response to "ICE raids wrong home article"
« Reply #2442 on: May 02, 2025, 07:05:31 AM »
I can't get the summary of the article to post here- Marc
========

1746188120819.png


DHS Statement on Warrant Execution:

The April 24 Oklahoma ICE operation was a lawful, court-authorized action explicitly targeting a property, that was a hub for human smuggling, not specific individuals, as falsely suggested by media reports.

The day prior to the search warrant issuance and the day of the search warrant, HSI agents
conducted surveillance, and confirmed via utility records that a member of the Lima Lopez Transnational Criminal Organization was still paying utilities at the residence. The warrant, issued by a Federal Judge was based on an 84-page affidavit detailing probable cause that the address served as a “stash house” for human smuggling, authorizing the seizure of evidence such as electronic devices and documents, regardless of who was present.

The warrant targeted the property itself, not specific individuals, and its execution was not contingent on the presence of any person. HSI, with Oklahoma state police support, executed the warrant with precision, seizing electronic devices as authorized.

This court-authorized search was a critical strike against a dangerous human smuggling network in furtherance of our mission to protect American communities from the chaos unleashed by the Biden administration’s open-border policies. This is an ongoing investigation, and we have not ruled out current occupants involvement in the smuggling ring.

ccp

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reposting here as well illegals can get work permits and then SS benifits
« Reply #2443 on: May 03, 2025, 07:48:46 AM »
According to this it began in 2017 !!! :-o

https://www.msn.com/en-us/money/news/how-many-migrants-are-receiving-social-security-numbers/ar-AA1CjPyX

But wait - people working do not get SS benefits unless they are disabled or over 62.

Does this include Medicare.

So unless they are working while older they how do they qualify since they are not working?

All this stupid endless bureaucratic twisting and turning of rules for the pleasure of law makers gives me aggravation.

The laws always seem to have some loopholes that allow people to find ways around them.   For sure in the immigration system .


F.Danconia

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https://danconiajournal.substack.com/p/imported-despair

Illegal immigration is a topic I’ve been a little reluctant to tackle because it is both expansive and difficult to fully get one’s head around, and that makes it hard to write about with any kind of comprehensive clarity. However, it’s also something I think people need a better grasp of, so here’s my attempt at clearing up the mud a little. This essay is built on a simple framework: we must confront the reality of those already here, stop the future exploitation of a broken system, and realign our moral compass as a people. For too long, illegal immigration has been framed as a false dilemma of heartless enforcement versus open-hearted chaos — but the real cost isn’t just economic or political. It’s the slow erosion of a nation’s conscience, a system rigged to exploit the desperate while numbing the decent. This piece aims to expose that lie, clarify the stakes, and demand a course correction grounded in law, justice, and moral clarity.

In looking at immigration — specifically illegal immigration — honestly, we first have to come to grips with something I’ll call the myth of compassion. We’ve long heard the slogans: “No human is illegal.” “We’re a nation of immigrants.” “They’re just looking for a better life.”

And in truth, many of the people crossing into the United States illegally are fleeing unimaginable hardship. They are poor, often undereducated, and desperate to escape violence, corruption, or economic hopelessness in their home countries. They come with hope — hope that America is still a place of dignity and opportunity.

But what do they actually find when they arrive?

Too often, they find a society that uses their desperation as currency — a silent labor class with no legal voice, no real rights, and no power to demand better. They find under-the-table work, below-minimum wages, and employers who threaten deportation if they speak out. They find themselves legally ineligible for most benefits, yet they’re forced to consume public resources and emergency health services just to survive. Many times, they are aided and abetted in breaking even more laws as employers and other interested parties facilitate false IDs, stolen Social Security numbers, and illegal enrollment in restricted social welfare programs. They become the invisible gears in an economy that pretends not to see them while quietly benefiting from their exploitation.

Most disgusting of all? We congratulate ourselves for being compassionate as we watch all of this happening.

When we accept this model of illegal immigration as normal or acceptable, we import desperation, exploit it in silence, and then applaud our own humanity because the people we’ve trapped in this condition don’t know how deeply they’ve been wronged — and because we’re not about to tell them.

This isn’t compassion. It’s a caste system with better marketing.

Make no mistake, though. This isn’t just a moral argument. It’s a cultural argument, an economic argument, an argument about the balance of power in our political system, and more. We’ll come back to the moral argument in a moment, but let’s take a few minutes and frame the problem a little more clearly.

Realistic estimates now place the number of illegal immigrants in the United States at over 17.5 million — a population larger than every state except California, Texas, Florida, and New York.

This crisis has gone unresolved not due to a lack of awareness, but a lack of political courage. For more than 30 years, presidents and political candidates from both parties — Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, Joe Biden, Chuck Schumer, Hillary Clinton, Kamala Harris, Nancy Pelosi — have promised to fix the problem. Every one of them has stood before voters and declared that the border must be secured and the system repaired. That runaway illegal immigration was not just a problem, but a crisis.

But nothing happened. Not really. In part, this was because no one was willing to pay the political cost. Equally as important to the permanent political class, no one was willing to give up one of the most lucrative fundraising issues on Capitol Hill.

Even administrations that deported record numbers of people (such as Obama’s) left the border unsecured, the legal process tangled and underfunded, and the incentives for illegal entry largely intact. Why? Because the system wasn’t designed to be fixed. It was designed to be useful — to donors, to demagogues, and to political consultants eager for another campaign fundraising email. Remember the foundational Washington maxim: If you’re not part of the solution, there’s damned good money to be made in prolonging the problem.

That stops being tenable when you're dealing with numbers like these. Have a look.

The price tag for sustaining a population of over 17.5 million illegal immigrants is staggering, bleeding resources from communities already stretched thin. Let’s break it down with the cold, hard numbers that the permanent political class hopes you’ll never see.

In 2023, the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR) estimated the net cost of illegal immigration at $150.7 billion annually, after accounting for taxes paid by illegal immigrants. That’s $1,156 per American taxpayer every year, funneled into services for people who bypassed the law to get here. Education is the biggest drain, with state and local governments spending over $73 billion annually to educate children of illegal immigrants. That’s enough to fund the entire K-12 budget of a state like Iowa, diverted instead to a population that politicians refuse to address.

Healthcare is another black hole: hospitals provide $5.4 billion in uncompensated emergency care for illegal immigrants each year, while Medicaid expenditures for those granted loopholes by the Biden administration exceed $5 billion annually. Welfare programs, despite legal restrictions, are hemorrhaging funds—$11.6 billion in 2023 alone for food stamps, child nutrition, and other benefits, often accessed through U.S.-born children, administrative sleight-of-hand, and sometimes outright fraud.

Then there’s the absurdity of special programs, where taxpayer money is thrown at initiatives that sound like dystopian satire. New York City, buckling under the weight of its own self-imposed sanctuary city policies, spent $10 million per day in 2023 to house illegal immigrants in hotels, with Mayor Eric Adams projecting a $12 billion cost by 2025. Across the country, programs provide cell phones and food vouchers to illegal immigrants, with costs buried in opaque budgets but estimated to run into the hundreds of millions annually. In Texas, the Children’s Health Insurance Program spends $30–38 million yearly on perinatal coverage for illegal immigrants, while the state’s Emergency Medicaid program shells out another $62–90 million. These aren’t just numbers—they’re a betrayal of every American family struggling to pay their own bills, and the perpetrators have the audacity to sell it to us as compassion and cheap labor.

The Department of Government Efficiency, meanwhile, uncovered a scandal that should make your blood boil. Over four years, 3,920,028 Social Security numbers were issued to non-citizens, many to illegal immigrants who received work authorizations just five months after filing asylum claims—often without proof of identity. This isn’t good policy; it’s a rigged system that hands out America’s safety net like candy to people who are not entitled to a share. DOGE estimates that if each recipient received $2,000 monthly in benefits—a conservative figure given Medicaid and welfare payouts—the cost would be $1.93 billion every month.

Fraudulent IDs and Social Security numbers, frequently facilitated by employers and special interest groups, are the skeleton key to this heist, enabling illegal immigrants to tap into benefits meant for citizens. The result? What should have been a lifeline for seniors and veterans is stretched to the breaking point. $66 billion spent on illegal immigrants in 2023 compared to just $3 billion for homeless veterans. It’s an awfully steep cost for all that “cheap labor.”

These costs aren’t abstract. They’re classrooms overcrowded with students who don’t speak English, forcing teachers to sideline American kids. They’re emergency rooms packed with uninsured patients, driving up wait times and costs for everyone else. They’re welfare offices stretched thin, leaving less for citizens and immigrants who played by the rules. And they’re communities like Eagle Pass, Texas, where local budgets are crushed under the weight of a border crisis that Washington pretends doesn’t exist. The Manhattan Institute projects that every new illegal immigrant imposes a lifetime fiscal burden of $130,000, ballooning to $1.15 trillion over the lifetime of recent arrivals. That’s not a cost; it’s a generational theft. Remember that next time someone tells you we should ignore the problem because sending them back will “raise prices.”

As you can plainly see, it is no longer possible to pretend that the illegal immigrant population is a “shadow” problem affecting only border communities. Illegal immigration places disproportionate strain on working-class Americans, not coastal elites. It impacts school systems, hospitals, housing markets, and wages — especially in states already buckling under cost-of-living crises. And with federal resources stretched thin, it is the poorest American communities that are made to compete for the same services already failing to meet demand.

What moral society allows its own poor to be pitted against desperate newcomers in a fight over crumbs — and then calls the entire arrangement "compassionate"?

This isn’t sustainable. It isn’t just. And it isn’t remotely aligned with the rule of law.

To fix this, we must first end the limbo. We must enforce our laws consistently and stop incentivizing illegal entry with implicit amnesty. That means a clear policy on removals and a serious distinction between those seeking lawful asylum and those abusing loopholes.

The legal tools to do this already exist. Under the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), there are multiple classes of removal. Voluntary return allows migrants to agree to leave the country without formal proceedings. Expedited removal applies near the border and enables deportation without lengthy court hearings. Formal removal involves a full due process through immigration courts. And reinstatement of removal enables immediate deportation for those who have been deported before and reentered illegally.

These frameworks have been in place for decades, each requiring varying degrees of legal due process. Over time, sanctuary policies, political interference, and sheer administrative overload have rendered them meaningless and largely unworkable. Courts are backlogged. ICE is demoralized and understaffed. And the selective non-enforcement of immigration law, justified as "compassionate,” has become the default mode of operation expected by the American public and illegal immigrants alike.

The lie, of course, is that securing the border was somehow impossible. For years, the bureaucratic and political establishment told Americans that enforcement simply wasn’t feasible. They blamed red tape, staffing, and international law. President Biden, in an eye-watering abdication of his Executive responsibilities, said that it was Congress’ fault for not passing a bipartisan bill on immigration reform. And yet, within weeks of taking office, President Trump proved otherwise. With the stroke of a pen, he shut down unlawful crossings, implemented policies that forced foreign cooperation, and initiated a long-overdue buildout of physical and digital border barriers.

Due process remained in place. But the abuse of loopholes stopped — at least until the courts, Congress, and his own agencies began resisting him at every turn.

Critics accused him of authoritarianism. And yes, his rhetoric often made consensus harder than it needed to be. His blunt language and unapologetic tone hardened opposition that may have otherwise softened. But the legal mechanisms he employed — executive orders, policy directives, and structural reform — all went through the same gauntlet every controversial policy does. They were challenged in court. Some were upheld. Others struck down. In the process, what had long been a deliberately murky and manipulated area of law began to clarify under the weight of judicial review. This is a trend we should expect to continue. The president will act, opponents will challenge his actions, and the Court will determine the left and right limits of legal policy.

This is how governance is supposed to work in a republic. A president pushes. The courts interpret. The people decide.

And as painful as it might be, it’s absolutely necessary right now. Every broken policy ignored, leveraged, and exploited eventually becomes a pipeline to more and more failure. And our immigration system is Exhibit A. The current immigration framework is a web of contradictory rules, outdated quotas, unfunded mandates, and procedural traps. Legal immigrants often wait years, even decades, while illegal entrants exploit loopholes in real time. The incentives are upside down. Fraud is rewarded. Honesty is punished.

This isn’t just inefficient — it’s unjust.

Fixing the system means simplifying legal immigration so that good-faith applicants no longer languish in bureaucratic purgatory while criminal traffickers sprint through loopholes. It means investing in our system to ensure asylum claims and removals are handled quickly, humanely, and with integrity. It means modernizing our ports of entry and border enforcement systems so we can better detect fraud, track overstays, and intercept traffickers. And most critically, it means dismantling the political economy that thrives off of keeping immigration broken — fundraising off the problem instead of fixing it.

That brings us back to the moral argument once more. In order to repair the moral failure of our immigration system, we need to open our eyes and achieve some moral clarity about why it’s such a problem in the first place. We tell ourselves this is a nation built on human dignity. But we’ve created a labor class we can exploit without guilt — simply because they were desperate enough to come here illegally. We pay them less, give them fewer rights, threaten them with deportation if they speak up, and then pat ourselves on the back for offering them “opportunity.”

It is the moral equivalent of slavery wrapped in better optics.

This has always been the real danger — not just the erosion of sovereignty, but the erosion of conscience. No society that claims to value liberty can sustain a permanent second class of people trapped in legal limbo, used for labor but denied a voice. No republic can preserve its ideals while depending on the silent exploitation of the vulnerable to keep prices low and political arguments high.

President Trump’s approach to immigration has been controversial — no doubt. He has broken norms. He has used language that repels many. But for the first time in a generation, he treated the problem as solvable, not just exploitable. And he did so in the face of unprecedented resistance from media, bureaucracies, and political enemies who preferred the status quo.

Yes, he pushed the boundaries. But he also pushed the debate into the daylight — and forced the country to reckon with a truth no one else wanted to say out loud:

You cannot claim to be a nation of laws and turn a blind eye to the erosion of law at your borders.
You cannot claim moral superiority while quietly building an economic engine on the backs of the legally invisible.
You cannot claim compassion while protecting a system that trades in desperation.

America has three choices: One, Pretend the system works and let it collapse from contradiction. Two, Let the elites continue their bipartisan betrayal of the American worker and the immigrant alike. Or three, we can fix the border, fix the system, and fix our moral compass — before we lose all three for good.

A nation that cannot control its border is not sovereign.
A nation that cannot protect the dignity of work is not free.
And a nation that depends on invisible labor to keep its economy afloat is not just.

Let’s stop pretending.
Let’s fix it.
« Last Edit: May 06, 2025, 03:34:38 PM by Crafty_Dog »

Crafty_Dog

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INS v Lopez-Mendoza
« Reply #2446 on: May 06, 2025, 06:42:34 PM »


https://studicata.com/case-briefs/case/ins-v-lopez-mendoza/

INS v. Lopez-Mendoza
468 U.S. 1032 (1984)

Let us know what you think about this case brief




Facts
In INS v. Lopez-Mendoza, two Mexican citizens, Adan Lopez-Mendoza and Elias Sandoval-Sanchez, were ordered deported by an Immigration Judge after being arrested by Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) agents. Lopez-Mendoza objected to being summoned to the deportation hearing due to his allegedly unlawful arrest but did not contest the evidence presented against him. Sandoval-Sanchez argued that his admission of illegal entry, made after his arrest, should be suppressed as it resulted from an unlawful arrest. The Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) upheld the deportation orders. On appeal, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit reversed Sandoval-Sanchez’s deportation order, ruling that the exclusionary rule applied to deportation proceedings. The court vacated Lopez-Mendoza's order and remanded for a determination on whether his Fourth Amendment rights were violated. The case was brought to the U.S. Supreme Court on certiorari.

Issue
The main issue was whether the exclusionary rule, which prevents the use of evidence obtained through unlawful searches and seizures, applies in civil deportation proceedings.

Holding (O'Connor, J.)
The U.S. Supreme Court held that the exclusionary rule does not apply in civil deportation proceedings.

Reasoning
The U.S. Supreme Court reasoned that deportation proceedings are civil actions aimed at determining a person’s eligibility to remain in the country, not to punish past transgressions. The Court noted that certain criminal trial protections, including the exclusionary rule, do not extend to civil deportation hearings. The Court emphasized that the identity of a defendant is not suppressible as a result of an unlawful arrest. Furthermore, the Court applied a balancing test weighing the deterrent value of excluding unlawfully obtained evidence against the social costs of doing so. It determined that the exclusionary rule would not provide significant deterrence in deportation cases, especially since most deportations occur without formal hearings and the INS has its own measures to prevent Fourth Amendment violations. Applying the exclusionary rule in deportation proceedings would result in high social costs, such as complicating the INS’s streamlined deportation system and potentially allowing individuals to continue unlawful presence in the country.

Crafty_Dog

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Welcome to America!
« Reply #2447 on: May 08, 2025, 04:32:01 AM »