Author Topic: The Trump Transition/Administration  (Read 146421 times)

Crafty_Dog

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Crafty_Dog

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The Deep State uses Pravda on the Hudson to continue its subversion of Trump
« Reply #152 on: January 19, 2017, 10:38:31 PM »
Intercepted Russian Communications Part of Inquiry Into Trump Associates

By MICHAEL S. SCHMIDT, MATTHEW ROSENBERG, ADAM GOLDMAN and MATT APUZZOJAN. 19, 2017


WASHINGTON — American law enforcement and intelligence agencies are examining intercepted communications and financial transactions as part of a broad investigation into possible links between Russian officials and associates of President-elect Donald J. Trump, including his former campaign chairman Paul Manafort, current and former senior American officials said.

The continuing counterintelligence investigation means that Mr. Trump will take the oath of office on Friday with his associates under investigation and after the intelligence agencies concluded that the Russian government had worked to help elect him. As president, Mr. Trump will oversee those agencies and have the authority to redirect or stop at least some of these efforts.

It is not clear whether the intercepted communications had anything to do with Mr. Trump’s campaign, or Mr. Trump himself. It is also unclear whether the inquiry has anything to do with an investigation into the hacking of the Democratic National Committee’s computers and other attempts to disrupt the elections in November. The American government has concluded that the Russian government was responsible for a broad computer hacking campaign, including the operation against the D.N.C.

The counterintelligence investigation centers at least in part on the business dealings that some of the president-elect’s past and present advisers have had with Russia. Mr. Manafort has done business in Ukraine and Russia. Some of his contacts there were under surveillance by the National Security Agency for suspected links to Russia’s Federal Security Service, one of the officials said.
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Mr. Manafort is among at least three Trump campaign advisers whose possible links to Russia are under scrutiny. Two others are Carter Page, a businessman and former foreign policy adviser to the campaign, and Roger Stone, a longtime Republican operative.

The F.B.I. is leading the investigations, aided by the National Security Agency, the C.I.A. and the Treasury Department’s financial crimes unit. The investigators have accelerated their efforts in recent weeks but have found no conclusive evidence of wrongdoing, the officials said. One official said intelligence reports based on some of the wiretapped communications had been provided to the White House.

Counterintelligence investigations examine the connections between American citizens and foreign governments. Those connections can involve efforts to steal state or corporate secrets, curry favor with American government leaders or influence policy. It is unclear which Russian officials are under investigation, or what particular conversations caught the attention of American eavesdroppers. The legal standard for opening these investigations is low, and prosecutions are rare.

“We have absolutely no knowledge of any investigation or even a basis for such an investigation,” said Hope Hicks, a spokeswoman for the Trump transition.

In an emailed statement Thursday evening, Mr. Manafort called allegations that he had interactions with the Russian government a “Democrat Party dirty trick and completely false.”

“I have never had any relationship with the Russian government or any Russian officials. I was never in contact with anyone, or directed anyone to be in contact with anyone,” he said.

“On the ‘Russian hacking of the D.N.C.,’” he said, “my only knowledge of it is what I have read in the papers.”

The decision to open the investigations was not based on a dossier of salacious, uncorroborated allegations that were compiled by a former British spy working for a Washington research firm. The F.B.I. is also examining the allegations in that dossier, and a summary of its contents was provided to Mr. Trump earlier this month.

Representatives of the agencies involved declined to comment. Of the half-dozen current and former officials who confirmed the existence of the investigations, some said they were providing information because they feared the new administration would obstruct their efforts. All spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the cases.
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Numerous news outlets, including The New York Times, have reported on the F.B.I. investigations into Mr. Trump’s advisers. BBC and then McClatchy revealed the existence of a multiagency working group to coordinate investigations across the government.

The continuing investigation again puts the F.B.I. director, James B. Comey, in the middle of a politically fraught investigation. Democrats have sharply criticized Mr. Comey’s handling of the investigation into Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email server. Mrs. Clinton has said his decision to reveal the existence of new emails late in the campaign cost her the election.

The F.B.I. investigation into Mr. Manafort began last spring, and was an outgrowth of a criminal investigation into his work for a pro-Russian political party in Ukraine and for the country’s former president, Viktor F. Yanukovych. In August, The Times reported that Mr. Manafort’s name had surfaced in a secret ledger that showed he had been paid millions in undisclosed cash payments. The Associated Press has reported that his work for Ukraine included a secret lobbying effort in Washington aimed at influencing American news organizations and government officials.

Mr. Stone, a longtime friend of Mr. Trump’s, said in a speech in Florida last summer that he had communicated with Julian Assange, the founder of WikiLeaks, the anti-secrecy group that published the hacked Democratic emails. During the speech, Mr. Stone predicted further leaks of documents, a prediction that came true within weeks.

In a brief interview on Thursday, Mr. Stone said he had never visited Russia and had no Russian clients. He said that he had worked in Ukraine for a pro-Western party, but that any assertion that he had ties to Russian intelligence was “nonsense” and “totally false.”

“The whole thing is a canard,” he said. “I have no Russian influences.”

The Senate intelligence committee has started its own investigation into Russia’s purported attempts to disrupt the election. The committee’s inquiry is broad, and will include an examination of Russian hacking and possible ties between people associated with Mr. Trump’s campaign and Russia.

Investigators are also scrutinizing people on the periphery of Mr. Trump’s campaign, such as Mr. Page, a former Merrill Lynch banker who founded Global Energy Capital, an investment firm in New York that has done business with Russia.

In an interview on Thursday, Mr. Page expressed bewilderment about why he might be under investigation. He blamed a smear campaign — that he said was orchestrated by Mrs. Clinton — for media speculation about the nature of his ties to Russia.

“I did nothing wrong, for the 5,000th time,” he said. His adversaries, he added, are “pulling a page out of the Watergate playbook.”

The lingering investigations will pose a test for Senator Jeff Sessions, Republican of Alabama, who has been nominated for attorney general. If Mr. Sessions is confirmed, he will for a time be the only person in the government authorized to seek foreign intelligence wiretaps on American soil.

Mr. Sessions said at his confirmation hearing that he would recuse himself from any investigations involving Mrs. Clinton. He was not asked whether he would do so in cases involving associates of Mr. Trump.

ccp

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Nancy Sinatra says CNN lied about her
« Reply #153 on: January 20, 2017, 12:37:59 PM »
funny this is reported now.
I was watching a sort of documentary on Sinatra this past week and was wondering what he would have thought of Trump.

I think he would have liked him especially if he and Trump had some sort of relationship.

He was  a JFK fan till JFK dissed him after he was elected though used him prior.  He also liked Reagan I recall.

http://www.breitbart.com/tech/2017/01/20/nancy-sinatra-congrats-trump-slams-cnn-lie-cnn/
« Last Edit: January 20, 2017, 04:04:29 PM by Crafty_Dog »

Crafty_Dog

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DougMacG

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Trump Inauguration
« Reply #157 on: January 21, 2017, 10:08:45 AM »
A credit to our republic, but yesterday looked to me like kind of a slow news day.

Barack Obama had to schedule a vacation in order to actually leave town.  No big, new pardons that I heard; his most controversial ones were already out there.

President Trump didn't say anything particularly new or divisive. Looks like he plans to govern about the way he said he would.

Protests looked like just the obligatory ones to get on the news.  200 arrested, I assume because they wanted to be, amounting to fewer than one out of every million Americans.

No liberal actors moved to Mexico or Venezuela yesterday to escape the fear of lower tax rates and expanding economic freedoms likely to come to them here - against their will.

Mostly it looked like a typical Friday across the fruited plain, with new leaders in Washington sworn in to uphold the same old constitution.

God Bless America.
« Last Edit: January 21, 2017, 10:17:47 AM by DougMacG »

ccp

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Trump's inaugural address - Mark Levin
« Reply #158 on: January 21, 2017, 10:24:17 AM »
Mark Levin disagrees that Trump's speech is "Jacksonian".  It is more like Teddy Roosevelt nationalist. 

He is hoping to get Steve Bannon on his show to discuss.

https://www.conservativereview.com/commentary/2017/01/mark-levin-tells-truth-about-trump-inauguration-speech


Crafty_Dog

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Makes me laugh, everytime...
« Reply #160 on: January 21, 2017, 04:42:04 PM »



Crafty_Dog

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ccp

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Re: The Trump Transition/Administration
« Reply #166 on: January 29, 2017, 08:55:28 AM »
Another example of Trump inspiring more jobs.

Professional protesters:

https://pjmedia.com/trending/2017/01/29/soros-bankrolling-effort-to-stop-trumps-temporary-refugee-halt-order/

I guess these people have nothing to do but protest.


Crafty_Dog

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WSJ: The Martyrdom of Sally Yates
« Reply #168 on: February 01, 2017, 07:32:52 AM »
President Trump’s executive order suspending refugee admissions is too broad and the White House rollout was a fiasco, but Mr. Trump was exactly right in sacking Sally Yates as acting Attorney General Monday night. Ms. Yates, the Deputy AG in the Obama Administration, chose to be a progressive martyr rather than do her duty under Justice Department canons, and she deserved to be fired.

Spare us the Watergate comparisons, please. This was no “Saturday Night Massacre,” and if anything Ms. Yates is the one who violated proper procedure and her obligations as a senior official in the executive branch. We know Democrats are eager to impeach Mr. Trump, but the real White House offenses here are arrogance and incompetence.

In a letter to Justice employees late Monday, Ms. Yates explained that she and the department would refuse to defend the executive order from legal challenges. This would have meant that no one appeared in court on behalf of the executive branch to respond to lawsuits across the country. The zealous defense of a client is every lawyer’s duty, and the Justice Department is the government’s lawyer. Ms. Yates was essentially leaving the President without a legal defense.

Such a decision could be justified in some extreme circumstances like a patently unjust or illegal order, but Ms. Yates made no such case. She had to concede that the department’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC)—the Justice professionals who vet such orders—had declared Mr. Trump’s order to be “lawful on its face and properly drafted.”

But Ms. Yates went on to opine that mere legality isn’t enough—in particular, the OLC ruling “does not address whether any policy choice embodied in an Executive Order is wise or just.” And she averred that her “solemn obligation” is “always to seek justice and stand for what is right.” Therefore, “I am not convinced that the Executive Order is lawful” and she would not enforce it.

This is preposterous. Ms. Yates is basing her defiance not on the law but on her own moral and political misgivings. Her differences are about policy, not legality. If she felt she couldn’t in good conscience defend Mr. Trump’s order, the honorable decision would have been to resign. Instead, she decided to offer the equivalent of a press release advertising her legal services as Attorney General to the next Democratic President.

Mr. Trump was obliged to dismiss Ms. Yates to defend the integrity of the executive branch. The U.S. has a “unitary executive” whose functioning depends on a line of political accountability that ends with the President. If cabinet officers can ignore orders based on policy disagreements, democratic accountability is impossible.

Perhaps Ms. Yates should have consulted President Obama’s first AG, Eric Holder. In explaining his decision not to defend the Defense of Marriage Act in 2014, Mr. Holder said that “any decisions at any level not to defend individual laws must be exceedingly rare” and that “they must be reserved only for exceptional, truly exceptional circumstances. And they must never stem merely from policy or political disagreements—hinging instead only on firm constitutional grounds.”

Ms. Yates’s department also had no legal qualms enforcing a similar refugee order from Mr. Obama. After the FBI disrupted a plot in 2011 by Iraqi nationals in Kentucky to support al Qaeda with weapons and explosives, Mr. Obama suspended visas for Iraqi refugees including translators for six months. Refugee admissions were also halted after 9/11.

And in 2015, following the San Bernardino rampage, Mr. Obama signed legislation that excluded from the U.S. visa waiver program citizens of Iraq, Syria, Iran, Sudan, Libya, Yemen and Somalia who had visited those countries after March 2011. Ms. Yates hasn’t explained why Justice could defend those orders but not Mr Trump’s.
***

None of this absolves the Trump White House of its failure to adequately prepare to issue such a controversial order. White House aides Stephen Bannon and Stephen Miller were so eager to demonstrate their power that they didn’t wait until Mr. Trump’s AG was at Justice. They also didn’t bother to consult Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly, who could be forgiven if he had resigned in protest.

In their triumphal disdain for Washington mores, Mr. Trump and his advisers are making too many rookie mistakes. They were right to fire Ms. Yates, but the mess has emboldened their opponents, and a smarter White House staff would have avoided putting the President in position where he had to

ccp

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Re: The Trump Transition/Administration
« Reply #169 on: February 01, 2017, 07:45:05 AM »
"In their triumphal disdain for Washington mores, Mr. Trump and his advisers are making too many rookie mistakes. They were right to fire Ms. Yates, but the mess has emboldened their opponents, and a smarter White House staff would have avoided putting the President in position where he had to"

Maybe or maybe not.  Maybe no matter what Trump and team do the LEFT will find every way they can to twist and spin the appearance of everything Trump does to his disadvantage.

Rookie mistakes?  Name a single President that has undergone this much fury from the media, the entire tech industry, and the rest.

I guess I am simply not big fan of the WSJ frankly.

Crafty_Dog

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bigdog

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GOP gets bolder in breaking with Trump
« Reply #172 on: February 07, 2017, 04:35:32 PM »
http://thehill.com/homenews/senate/318189-gop-gets-bolder-in-breaking-with-trump

"Congressional Republicans are becoming more critical of President Trump amid the shaky rollout of his executive order on immigration and the lack of clear progress on his legislative agenda."

ccp

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Re: The Trump Transition/Administration
« Reply #173 on: February 08, 2017, 07:40:56 PM »
This is really bad if the President cannot even have confidential conversations :

http://www.politico.com/story/2017/02/trump-foreign-leaders-phone-calls-234770
« Last Edit: February 08, 2017, 09:14:52 PM by Crafty_Dog »

Crafty_Dog

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Re: The Trump Transition/Administration
« Reply #174 on: February 08, 2017, 09:16:04 PM »
"The Resistance" of the perma-state is strong and will become stronger yet the more Trump challenges it.  This is why it is all the more important he fg tighten up his game.

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Intruiguing and Disconcerting article on Steve Bannon
« Reply #178 on: February 11, 2017, 10:31:42 PM »
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/10/world/europe/bannon-vatican-julius-evola-fascism.html?smid=fb-share
Steve Bannon Cited Italian Thinker Who Inspired Fascists
By JASON HOROWITZFEB. 10, 2017

Stephen K. Bannon referred to the Italian philosopher Julius Evola in a Vatican speech in 2014. Credit Todd Heisler/The New York Times

ROME — Those trying to divine the roots of Stephen K. Bannon’s dark and at times apocalyptic worldview have repeatedly combed over a speech that Mr. Bannon, President Trump’s ideological guru, made in 2014 to a Vatican conference, where he expounded on Islam, populism and capitalism.

But for all the examination of those remarks, a passing reference by Mr. Bannon to an esoteric Italian philosopher has gone little noticed, except perhaps by scholars and followers of the deeply taboo, Nazi-affiliated thinker, Julius Evola.

“The fact that Bannon even knows Evola is significant,” said Mark Sedgwick, a leading scholar of Traditionalists at Aarhus University in Denmark.

Evola, who died in 1974, wrote on everything from Eastern religions to the metaphysics of sex to alchemy. But he is best known as a leading proponent of Traditionalism, a worldview popular in far-right and alternative religious circles that believes progress and equality are poisonous illusions.

Evola became a darling of Italian Fascists, and Italy’s post-Fascist terrorists of the 1960s and 1970s looked to him as a spiritual and intellectual godfather.

They called themselves Children of the Sun after Evola’s vision of a bourgeoisie-smashing new order that he called the Solar Civilization. Today, the Greek neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn includes his works on its suggested reading list, and the leader of Jobbik, the Hungarian nationalist party, admires Evola and wrote an introduction to his works.

More important for the current American administration, Evola also caught on in the United States with leaders of the alt-right movement, which Mr. Bannon nurtured as the head of Breitbart News and then helped harness for Mr. Trump.

“Julius Evola is one of the most fascinating men of the 20th century,” said Richard Spencer, the white nationalist leader who is a top figure in the alt-right movement, which has attracted white supremacists, racists and anti-immigrant elements.

In the days after the election, Mr. Spencer led a Washington alt-right conference in chants of “Hail Trump!” But he also invoked Evola’s idea of a prehistoric and pre-Christian spirituality — referring to the awakening of whites, whom he called the Children of the Sun.
Photo
Evola, who died in 1974, is best known as a leading light of Traditionalism.

Mr. Spencer said “it means a tremendous amount” that Mr. Bannon was aware of Evola and other Traditionalist thinkers.

“Even if he hasn’t fully imbibed them and been changed by them, he is at least open to them,” he said. “He at least recognizes that they are there. That is a stark difference to the American conservative movement that either was ignorant of them or attempted to suppress them.”

Mr. Bannon, who did not return a request for comment for this article, is an avid and wide-ranging reader. He has spoken enthusiastically about everything from Sun Tzu’s “The Art of War” to “The Fourth Turning” by William Strauss and Neil Howe, which sees history in cycles of cataclysmic and order-obliterating change. His awareness of and reference to Evola in itself only reflects that reading. But some on the alt-right consider Mr. Bannon a door through which Evola’s ideas of a hierarchical society run by a spiritually superior caste can enter in a period of crisis.

“Evolists view his ship as coming in,” said Prof. Richard Drake at the University of Montana, who wrote about Evola in his book “The Revolutionary Mystique and Terrorism in Contemporary Italy.”

For some of them, it has been a long time coming.

“It’s the first time that an adviser to the American president knows Evola, or maybe has a Traditionalist formation,” said Gianfranco De Turris, an Evola biographer and apologist based in Rome who runs the Evola Foundation out of his apartment.

“If Bannon has these ideas, we have to see how he influences the politics of Trump,” he said.

A March article titled “An Establishment Conservative’s Guide to the Alt-Right” in Breitbart, the website then run by Mr. Bannon, included Evola as one of the thinkers in whose writings the “origins of the alternative right” could be found.

The article was co-written by Milo Yiannopoulos, the right-wing provocateur who is wildly popular with conservatives on college campuses. Mr. Trump recently defended Mr. Yiannopoulos as a symbol of free speech after demonstrators violently protested his planned speech at the University of California, Berkeley.

The article celebrated the youthful internet trolls who give the alt-right movement its energy and who, motivated by a common and questionable sense of humor, use anti-Semitic and racially charged memes “in typically juvenile but undeniably hysterical fashion.”

“It’s hard to imagine them reading Evola,” the article continued. “They may be inclined to sympathize to those causes, but mainly because it annoys the right people.”

Evola, who has more than annoyed people for nearly a century, seems to be having a moment.

“When I started working on Evola, you had to plow through Italian,” said Mr. Sedgwick, who keeps track of Traditionalist movements and thought on his blog, Traditionalists. “Now he’s available in English, German, Russian, Serbian, Greek, Hungarian. First I saw Evola boom, and then I realized the number of people interested in that sort of idea was booming.”
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Born in 1898, Evola liked to call himself a baron and in later life sported a monocle in his left eye.

A brilliant student and talented artist, he came home after fighting in World War I and became a leading exponent in Italy of the Dada movement, which, like Evola, rejected the church and bourgeois institutions.

Evola’s early artistic endeavors gave way to his love of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, and he developed a worldview with an overriding animosity toward the decadence of modernity. Influenced by mystical works and the occult, Evola began developing an idea of the individual’s ability to transcend his reality and “be unconditionally whatever one wants.”
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Under the influence of René Guénon, a French metaphysicist and convert to Islam, Evola in 1934 published his most influential work, “The Revolt Against the Modern World,” which cast materialism as an eroding influence on ancient values.

It viewed humanism, the Renaissance, the Protestant Reformation and the French Revolution all as historical disasters that took man further away from a transcendental perennial truth.

Changing the system, Evola argued, was “not a question of contesting and polemicizing, but of blowing everything up.”

Evola’s ideal order, Professor Drake wrote, was based on “hierarchy, caste, monarchy, race, myth, religion and ritual.”

That made a fan out of Benito Mussolini.

The dictator already admired Evola’s early writings on race, which influenced the 1938 Racial Laws restricting the rights of Jews in Italy.

Mussolini so liked Evola’s 1941 book, “Synthesis on the Doctrine of Race,” which advocated a form of spiritual, and not merely biological, racism, that he invited Evola to meet him in September of that year.

Evola eventually broke with Mussolini and the Italian Fascists because he considered them overly tame and corrupted by compromise. Instead he preferred the Nazi SS officers, seeing in them something closer to a mythic ideal. They also shared his anti-Semitism.
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A demonstration last month by Golden Dawn, the Greek neo-Nazi party, which includes Evola’s works on a suggested reading list. Credit Michalis Karagiannis/Reuters

Mr. Bannon suggested in his Vatican remarks that the Fascist movement had come out of Evola’s ideas.

As Mr. Bannon expounded on the intellectual motivations of the Russian president, Vladimir V. Putin, he mentioned “Julius Evola and different writers of the early 20th century who are really the supporters of what’s called the Traditionalist movement, which really eventually metastasized into Italian Fascism.”

The reality, historians say, is that Evola sought to “infiltrate and influence” the Fascists, as Mr. Sedgwick put it, as a powerful vehicle to spread his ideas.

In his Vatican talk, Mr. Bannon suggested that although Mr. Putin represented a “kleptocracy,” the Russian president understood the existential danger posed by “a potential new caliphate” and the importance of using nationalism to stand up for traditional institutions.

“We, the Judeo-Christian West,” Mr. Bannon added, “really have to look at what he’s talking about as far as Traditionalism goes — particularly the sense of where it supports the underpinnings of nationalism.”

As Mr. Bannon suggested in his speech, Mr. Putin’s most influential thinker is Aleksandr Dugin, the ultranationalist Russian Traditionalist and anti-liberal writer sometimes called “Putin’s Rasputin.”

An intellectual descendant of Evola, Mr. Dugin has called for a “genuine, true, radically revolutionary, and consistent fascist fascism” and advocated a geography-based theory of “Eurasianism” — which has provided a philosophical framework for Mr. Putin’s expansionism and meddling in Western European politics.

Mr. Dugin sees European Traditionalists as needing Russia, and Mr. Putin, to defend them from the onslaught of Western liberal democracy, individual liberty, and materialism — all Evolian bêtes noires.

This appeal of traditional values on populist voters and against out-of-touch elites, the “Pan-European Union” and “centralized government in the United States,” as Mr. Bannon put it, was not lost on Mr. Trump’s ideological guru.

“A lot of people that are Traditionalists,” he said in his Vatican remarks, “are attracted to that.”
« Last Edit: February 12, 2017, 07:08:10 AM by Crafty_Dog »

ccp

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Re: The Trump Transition/Administration
« Reply #179 on: February 12, 2017, 05:12:02 AM »
"Mr. Dugin sees European Traditionalists as needing Russia, and Mr. Putin, to defend them from the onslaught of Western liberal democracy, individual liberty, and materialism — all Evolian bêtes noires."

This is my beef. Broad labels such as traditionilism, liberalism, etc conflate things like materialism and individual liberty in a way which makes no sense.
If anyone can tell me that living in a progressive's  world is increasing my individual liberty I would vehemently disagree.

Having one central authority control the entire world and telling all 7 billion how they can and can't live and measuring everything about them from pre birth to post death and using data for armies of policy engineers, lawyers , technocrats, bureaucrats  micromanage in  ways THEY see fit is not liberty.  It is control.

and what does it mean materialism being associated with western liberal democracy?  Is stealing other's monies to bribe voters not materialism

Bottom line every thing does not fit neatly into categories ready for manipulation.

As for Bannon I am not clear exactly how much influence he does have but I am concerned about it.  Perhaps the LEFT is not wrong about him




« Last Edit: February 12, 2017, 05:30:58 AM by ccp »

Crafty_Dog

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Re: The Trump Transition/Administration
« Reply #180 on: February 12, 2017, 11:46:19 AM »
Taking this discussion over to the Fascism thread. 

At the moment I am definitely not at ease with some of the things I have read.

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Leftist Obama political terror cells
« Reply #181 on: February 14, 2017, 07:11:02 AM »
Many other potential Yateses—holdovers from the Obama administration who have found their way into spots throughout the Trump administration—await throughout government.

“They’re hiding like sleeper cells everywhere,” one source said.


http://www.breitbart.com/big-government/2017/02/14/flynn-resigns-priebus-future-doubt-trump-allies-circulate-list-alternate-chief-staff-candidates/

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Russian insiders fear Trump assassination?
« Reply #184 on: February 14, 2017, 12:25:38 PM »
With full understanding of the fact that this comes second-hand from Foreign Policy magazine via InfoWars - I offer it for what it's worth.  Rush Limbaugh today opined on his radio program that Washington establishment insiders - including Republicans - will do anything to discredit and eliminate Trump, as he poses a threat to their comfortable positions of power and influence.  Limbaugh advised that Trump should aggressively root out these disloyal operators and name names.  He also stated that he feels that it is a grave mistake on Trump's part to ask for Flynn's resignation IF it were done primarily because of the media screaming for his scalp.  It will only embolden them, said Limbaugh.

http://www.infowars.com/russian-insiders-fear-washington-establishment-will-assassinate-trump/

"You have enemies?  Good.  That means that you have stood up for something, sometime in your life." - Winston Churchill.

ccp

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Re: The Trump Transition/Administration
« Reply #185 on: February 14, 2017, 02:44:52 PM »
Insiders murder Trump and then blame Russia

NO doubt that thought must be going through many of the "insiders" minds every waking minute

 

« Last Edit: February 14, 2017, 02:59:11 PM by ccp »

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POTH: If personel is policy, then , , ,
« Reply #188 on: February 19, 2017, 09:06:51 PM »
MELBOURNE, Fla. — During President Trump’s transition to power, his team reached out to Elliott Abrams for help building a new administration. Mr. Abrams, a seasoned Republican foreign policy official, sent lists of possible candidates for national security jobs.

One by one, the answer from the Trump team came back no. The reason was consistent: This one had said disparaging things about Mr. Trump during the campaign; that one had signed a letter opposing him. Finally, the White House asked Mr. Abrams himself to meet with the president about becoming deputy secretary of state, only to have the same thing happen — vetoed because of past criticism.

Mr. Abrams’s experience has become a case study in the challenges Mr. Trump still faces in filling top positions a month into his presidency. Mr. Trump remains fixated on the campaign as he applies a loyalty test to some prospective officials. For their part, many Republicans reacted to what happened to Mr. Abrams with dismay, leaving them increasingly leery about joining an administration that cannot get past the past.

As Mr. Trump brings candidates for national security adviser to meet with him in Florida this weekend, he presides over a government where the upper echelons remain sparsely populated. Six of the 15 statutory cabinet secretaries are still awaiting Senate confirmation as Democrats nearly uniformly oppose almost all of the president’s choices. Even some of the cabinet secretaries who are in place may feel they are home alone.


It is not just Secretary of State Rex W. Tillerson who has no deputy secretary, much less Trump-appointed under secretaries or assistant secretaries. Neither do the heads of the Treasury Department, the Education Department or any of the other cabinet departments. Only three of 15 nominees have been named for deputy secretary positions. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis has a deputy only because he kept the one left over from President Barack Obama’s administration.

That does not even begin to cover the rest of the more than 4,000 appointments that a president typically makes. In some cases, the Trump administration is even going in reverse. A senior political appointee at the housing department, who had already started the job, was fired this past week and marched out of the building when someone discovered his previous statements critical of Mr. Trump.

The president’s top Latin America official at the National Security Council was likewise fired after just weeks on the job for complaining about internal dysfunction at an off-the-record discussion at a Washington research organization, according to officials, who confirmed a Politico report. The State Department has laid off six top career officials in recent days, apparently out of questions about their loyalty to Mr. Trump.


“Many tough things were said about him and by him” before last year’s election, Mr. Abrams, who served as President Ronald Reagan’s assistant secretary of state and President George W. Bush’s deputy national security adviser, said in an interview. “I would have hoped he would have turned toward just hiring the most effective people to help him govern rather than looking back to what we said in that race.”

Mr. Trump has fallen behind the pace of his last three predecessors both in naming senior officials who require Senate confirmation and in securing their confirmations, according to data compiled by the nonpartisan Partnership for Public Service. Whereas Mr. Obama had nominated 40 senior officials by Feb. 11, 2009, Mr. Trump had named 34 of them as of Friday. Mr. Obama had 24 confirmed at that point, while Mr. Trump has 14.

The trouble assembling an administration reflects the deeper rift between Mr. Trump and the Washington establishment of both parties. A reality-show businessman with no government experience, Mr. Trump catapulted to power on a promise to break up the existing system. Even after he won the Republican nomination last year, he did little to win over those who had opposed him, while his “never Trump” critics within the party kept up a steady assault on his qualifications and temperament.

Mr. Trump faces other hurdles, too. With no cadre ready to go from past political service, he has been starting from scratch. His team has been slow to vet candidates, and in some cases his choices have had troubles with their business backgrounds or other matters. And Democrats have mounted a wall of resistance to his nominations, slowing the process down.

The White House did not respond to requests for comment, but Mr. Trump has disputed reports of troubles. “The White House is running so smoothly, so smoothly,” he told a rally of supporters in Melbourne, Fla., on Saturday. “And believe me, we inherited one big mess, that I can tell you.”

The ill will between Mr. Trump and much of the Republican establishment works both ways. Many Republicans who might have agreed to work for the president have been turned off by what they consider his sometimes erratic behavior and the competing power centers inside his White House. After firing his first national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn, Mr. Trump found that his initial choice for a replacement, Robert S. Harward, a retired vice admiral, would not take the job.

“The problem is that with each successive episode, it raises the stakes for the next one,” said Peter D. Feaver, a Duke University professor who was a strategic planning adviser to Mr. Bush. “It’s going to be hard for the next outsider to accept the national security job and not request the ability to make personnel changes.”

Richard N. Haass, a former Republican official and now president of the Council on Foreign Relations, said Mr. Trump had “ruled out much of an entire generation of Republican public policy types” and alarmed others with his empowerment of Stephen K. Bannon, his chief strategist, to shape national security. Even some cabinet secretaries appear unable to pick their own staff.
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Former Senator Judd Gregg, Republican of New Hampshire, said the roster of business veterans that Mr. Trump had enlisted for his cabinet was “the most positive thing about his administration so far.” Credit Cooper Neill for The New York Times

“This is unprecedented, it’s untraditional, it’s outside the mainstream,” said Mr. Haass, whose own name had been floated for a position. “And so it’s just that you’d be signing on for, at a minimum, tremendous uncertainty, and quite possibly for being associated with a set of policies you deeply disagree with.”

Stuart Holliday, an ambassador under Mr. Bush, said many Republicans would want to work for Mr. Tillerson or Mr. Mattis. “However, the Republican foreign policy bench is not that deep at senior levels,” he said, “especially if you factor in people who took themselves off the field.”

Former Senator Judd Gregg, Republican of New Hampshire, said the business veterans that Mr. Trump had enlisted for his cabinet were “the most positive thing about his administration so far.” But he added that the president’s disregard for advice could complicate his efforts to fill posts. “You get the feeling that he’s still flying by his own experiences,” he said, “and that’s got to concern anyone who cares about these issues.”


For Mr. Trump, the challenge is more pronounced because he and his advisers feel they cannot trust some of the senior career professionals still working at the White House or cabinet departments. Leaks about Mr. Flynn and Mr. Trump’s phone calls with foreign leaders have convinced White House officials that they face an opposition within.

“You have a new administration that also has fewer people familiar with the processes and systems of government, including the importance of the vetting process,” said Max Stier, the chief executive of the Center for Presidential Transition at the Partnership for Public Service. “You can’t operate as they did in the campaign context, with a smaller than usual group — it doesn’t work.”

Indeed, Mr. Trump’s failure to vet candidates in advance has led to some stumbles. A White House scheduler was fired this past week because of an issue that surfaced in her background check, something that normally would have been completed weeks ago.

Another challenge has been Mr. Trump’s implementation of ethics rules that bar White House officials from lobbying for five years after they leave the government, prompting senior congressional officials and lobbyists to demur.

Mr. Trump has faulted the Democratic minority in the Senate for obstructing his choices. Democrats have voted almost as a bloc against many of his nominees, breaking with long tradition in which the opposition party largely went along with a president’s selections, except in specific cases of controversy. “The Democrats are making it very difficult,” Mr. Trump said at his news conference on Thursday. “This is pure delay tactics.”

Despite his own experience, one person still urging Republicans to take jobs in the administration is Mr. Abrams. “I have been encouraging everybody to go into the government if offered an appropriate position,” he said. “That was my view, and it’s still my view, because you have one president and one government at a time.

ccp

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Re: The Trump Transition/Administration
« Reply #189 on: February 21, 2017, 07:55:17 AM »
"The question, then, arises: Why were former Obama-administration appointees or careerist officials tapping the phone calls of an incoming Trump designate (and Trump himself?) and then leaking the tapes to their pets in the press? For what purpose?"

Probably simple - cold hard cash.  Does anyone think some of these moles are bribed by NYT or WP or by other organizations?  I am sure some of it is that. 


Read more at: http://www.nationalreview.com/article/445091/never-trumpers-subvert-presidency-talk-coup-impeachment-assassination
http://www.nationalreview.com/article/445091/never-trumpers-subvert-presidency-talk-coup-impeachment-assassination



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Re: McMaster
« Reply #192 on: February 22, 2017, 05:49:49 AM »
No matter other issues, Trump has picked some great people.

Agreed, starting with Pence, Gorsuch, Mattis, DeVos, Pruitt (EPA).  Tilleson looks good.  Haley is doing great at the UN. https://www.unwatch.org/u-n-obsess-israel-nikki-haley/

I feel frustrated at the pace of things but that all changes fast if they get the next two things right, healthcare and tax reform.

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Trump Administration - Nikki Haley - Starting Things Nicely with the UN
« Reply #193 on: February 22, 2017, 06:18:00 AM »
Someone isn't taking any crap when it cmes to the US/Israel relations....

Basically tells the UN to get stuffed. I applaud this approach.

http://www.yesimright.com/trumps-un-ambassador-nikki-haley-shows-the-united-nations-why-america-is-not-to-be-fcked-with/#

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POTH on Tillerson
« Reply #195 on: February 25, 2017, 08:52:04 AM »
When Rex Tillerson showed up for his first day of work at the State Department earlier this month, he moved quickly to allay the concerns of diplomats and others alarmed by President Trump’s security policies and his disparaging comments about allies and partners.

Addressing a crowd in the department lobby, the new secretary of state spoke of his “high regard” for the public servants he was appointed to manage, extolled the importance of teamwork and pledged to “depend on the expertise of this institution.” Mr. Tillerson generated good will that day, but there have since been worrying signs that the man many hoped would provide thoughtful balance to Mr. Trump’s more impetuous, hard-line advisers has in fact been marginalized, along with the department he runs, with potentially unfortunate consequences for the country and a world facing multiple crises.

Mr. Tillerson has largely been absent from White House meetings with foreign leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, and reportedly was excluded from such major decisions as Mr. Trump’s withdrawal of support for a Palestinian state and his declaration that Iran is now “on notice” for testing ballistic missiles. Mr. Trump’s rejection of Mr. Tillerson’s choice for deputy secretary of state was a public rebuke that undermined the secretary within his department and raised further doubts about his standing with the president.

For now at least, Mr. Tillerson, a former CEO of Exxon Mobil who has no foreign policy or government experience, has been eclipsed by Jim Mattis, the defense secretary; Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster, the national security adviser; and John Kelly, the secretary of homeland security. All three men are generals, and while they are respected experts in their fields, their backgrounds could lead to an overly militaristic approach to foreign policy. That makes the voice of the State Department, with its focus on diplomacy, more important than ever. But too often this voice has seemed muffled.

A case in point was Mr. Tillerson’s trip to Mexico this week to calm tensions inflamed by Mr. Trump’s criticisms of the Mexican people and his crackdown on immigrants. Mr. Tillerson wound up playing second fiddle to Mr. Kelly, who dominated the news on Thursday when he was forced to rebut Mr. Trump’s inaccurate description of moves along the border to deport undocumented immigrants as a “military operation.”
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Another complication is that Mr. Trump’s two closest aides, Stephen Bannon and Jared Kushner, are both seeking to influence foreign policy, and both have close personal relationships with Mr. Trump. Even more than other recent presidents, Mr. Trump has centered decision making in the White House, a process Mr. Bannon has reinforced by setting up a structure called the Strategic Initiatives Group to compete with the National Security Council.

Mr. Tillerson has not helped himself by moving too slowly to build a competent staff. He is also said to have isolated himself from career diplomats who know the issues best by restricting the number and types of officials who attend senior staff meetings or have access to him. Every secretary needs his own people in top positions, but it is impossible to devise or execute good policies without the support of the institution — something Mr. Tillerson must know from his Exxon days.

Meanwhile, he has made few public statements, given no public interviews, tightly restricted the number of reporters he allows to travel on his plane and suspended the daily State Department press briefings — a decades-old practice that is useful in explaining the administration’s policies and reactions to world events. (The department said Friday that briefings would resume on March 6 but not necessarily on a daily basis.) No president can expect Americans to support his policies if they are not explained.

The bottom line: If Mr. Tillerson is going to be the secretary of state, he needs to start acting like one.

Crafty_Dog

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POTH: McMaster and President Trump
« Reply #196 on: February 26, 2017, 07:13:24 AM »


WASHINGTON — As commander of an armored cavalry troop, H. R. McMaster fought in the largest tank battle of the Persian Gulf war, earning a Silver Star in the process. Afterward, the young captain reflected on how different his experience had been from the accounts he had read about Vietnam.

So when he arrived at the University of North Carolina for graduate studies in fall 1992, questions swirled through his head: How had Vietnam become an American war? Why did American troops die without a clear idea of their mission? “I began to seek answers to those questions,” he later wrote.

The result was a dissertation that turned into a book that would become, for a whole generation of military officers, a must-read autopsy of a war gone wrong. Now, as a three-star general and President Trump’s national security adviser, General McMaster will have the opportunity to put the lessons of that book to the test inside the White House as he serves a mercurial commander in chief with neither political nor military experience.

The book, “Dereliction of Duty,” published in 1997, highlighted the consequences of the military not giving candid advice to a president. General McMaster concluded that during Vietnam, officers on the Joint Chiefs of Staff “failed to confront the president with their objections” to a strategy they thought would fail. Twenty years later, the book serves as a guidepost to how he views his role as the coordinator of the president’s foreign policy team.
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“It’s a history, but he obviously draws conclusions about the need for what you might term brutally forthright assessments by military and indeed also by civilian leaders,” David H. Petraeus, the retired Army general and a patron of General McMaster, said in an interview. “That’s a hugely important takeaway. He has a record of being quite forthright.”

In his first week on the job, General McMaster has already shown an independence familiar to past colleagues. He has begun moving to revise an organizational order issued last month that seemed to downgrade the role of the chairman of the Joint Chiefs and the director of national intelligence, and he told an all-hands staff meeting that he did not consider the term “radical Islamic terrorism” helpful, even as the president insists on using it.

But those are relatively small matters compared to what may come. Already, Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, a retired four-star Marine general, has led the president to put aside his desire to reinstitute torture in interrogations of terrorism suspects, at least by the military. Mr. Trump places great faith in the generals he has surrounded himself with, but he and General McMaster had never met until a week ago, and the book’s reputation may set a hard-to-meet standard for the general.

“The difficulty is that Trump has a lot of crazy ideas in his head — like we should steal Iraq’s oil or we should kill the relatives of terrorists or we need to ban Muslims from coming here,” said Max Boot, a military historian at the Council on Foreign Relations. “And I’m sure someone like McMaster, like Mattis, understands how crackpot these ideas are.

“So can you say to the president, ‘Hey, Sir, you’re full” of it? Mr. Boot continued. “Or do you have to sugarcoat it and handle him with kid gloves? I suspect it’s the latter, and that’s not been H. R.’s approach. We’ll see if Trump is man enough to take it.”

The book is central to General McMaster’s identity and career. As he embarked on graduate studies after the gulf war, he approached his adviser, Richard H. Kohn, a professor who specialized in civil-military relations, and said he wanted to explore the role of the Joint Chiefs during Vietnam.
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From right, President Lyndon B. Johnson, Defense Secretary Robert McNamara, Gen. William Westmoreland and Gen. Earle Wheeler in July 1967, during the Vietnam War. General McMaster’s book became a must-read autopsy of how the war went wrong. Credit Associated Press

Using newly declassified records, General McMaster came to a conclusion that upended the conventional wisdom within the military that it had been betrayed by President Lyndon B. Johnson and undercut by antiwar protesters and never given the chance to win the war.

General McMaster concluded that the chiefs had been absorbed by the parochial interests of their different services and had never adequately pressed their opposition to the gradual escalation strategy favored by Johnson and Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara.

After finishing the dissertation, he published it as a book while still a major. It quickly became a sensation. Mr. Petraeus recalled bringing it to the attention of Gen. Hugh H. Shelton after the general took over as chairman of the Joint Chiefs in 1997. General Shelton made it required reading for all of the chiefs and combatant commanders. “It is a valuable resource for leaders of any organization,” he later wrote in his memoirs.
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Senator Tom Cotton, an Arkansas Republican who served in the Army, said officers of his age all read it. “We took the analysis to heart,” he said. Senator John McCain, an Arizona Republican and a Vietnam veteran, called it “one of the very important books that anyone aspiring to leadership should read.”

Still, while praising General McMaster, Eliot A. Cohen, a professor at Johns Hopkins University’s Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies and a counselor to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, said it may not have made a difference had the Joint Chiefs been more outspoken with Johnson. “It’s not like the president didn’t know they wanted to do more and do it quickly,” he said. “And it’s not like they really had a better idea for winning the war, other than using more violence right away.”

Others said General McMaster’s book had been misread. The shorthand is that generals should have “stood up to Johnson” or even stopped him somehow. Among those who think that is a misinterpretation is Mr. Kohn, General McMaster’s graduate adviser. “McMaster’s book neither says nor implies that the chiefs should have obstructed U.S. policy in Vietnam,” other than by candidly presenting their views, he wrote in the Naval War College Review in 2002.

Peter D. Feaver, a specialist in civil-military issues at Duke University and a national security aide to President George W. Bush, even coined the term “McMasterism” to describe the common overstatement of his thesis.

“They read McMaster’s book as supporting this defend-against-the-civilians role, but his actual argument is more subtle,” Mr. Feaver said. As a result, he added, the misinterpretation may haunt General McMaster. “McMaster’s challenge is that some may hold him to this inappropriate standard, and then he will be open to even more criticism if he disappoints,” he said.

Mr. Cohen agreed that General McMaster would now be held to an impossibly high bar. “This book will hang over him being national security adviser,” he said. “He has to be very aware that he now represents integrity and a forthrightness about speaking truth to power.”

This is not the first administration to find itself absorbed by a book on Vietnam. When President Barack Obama contemplated sending more troops to Afghanistan, he and his staff read “Lessons in Disaster,” by Gordon M. Goldstein, an account of McGeorge Bundy, the national security adviser to Johnson. The book found that Johnson had failed to question the underlying domino theory that the fall of one country to communism would lead to others.

Whether Mr. Trump has read or will read “Dereliction of Duty” and, if so, what lessons he will draw remain to be seen. “This will really be a test of Trump as commander in chief,” Mr. Goldstein said in an interview. “Can he absorb and benefit from the advice of a strong adviser who probably doesn’t share many of his biases?”

He added: “This is why this movie’s going to be really fascinating to watch. I don’t think we know how that conflict is going to be resolved.”



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« Last Edit: February 27, 2017, 07:10:45 AM by G M »